THE EUROPEAN SITUATION.

Globe, Volume V, Issue 589, 9 May 1876, Page 3

THE EUROPEAN SITUATION.

The Berlin correspondent of the Argus, writing on March 13th, says : Ordinarily so turbulent, Western Europe has been behaving very soberly the last few weeks. France has returned a Republican majority ; while Spain, tired of civil war. bids the Garlists leave, and recognises the comparatively liberal and beneficial rule of the Alfonso party. Both events are directly conducive to the maintenance of peace between Germany and France, and being so, have given satisfaction here. Of all political parties in France, the moderate Republicans, who have swayed the elections, are the least likely to plunge headlong into imprudent squabbles with Germany. They represent the middle classes, whose social position is an antidote to mililary propensities. They are ton sens : ble to wish to give the champions of despotism a chance by creating the necessity of a dictatorship amid the vicissitudes of a sanguinary conflict. Last, not least, they are too Republican and too much threatened by the Reds to be considered agreeable, or indeed safe allies, by any of the sovereigns whose support or friendly countenance they would require for a successful tilt with their steady-going neighbors. The more gratifying is this turn of affairs, because so little expected. After this cheering event it is perhaps permitted to hope that could the peace of Europe be preserved for some ten or twelve years, the present temperate system might strike root in France, and the more romantic and ambitious elements subside into their proper place. The like comforting anticipations may be derived from the fall of Don Carlos, the Spanish pretender being identified with the cause of Ultramontanism, and indeed having mainly carried on his war with the assistance of priestly financiers. His victory would have encouraged the friends of Papacy in every part of the Continent. To understand the motives of Catholic politicians in supporting the last fighting scion of the house of Bourbon, it is only necessary to remember that there is not another country left, except Spain, willing or capable of carrying out orders from Rome. The Italian Government, however, much inclined to compromise their religious feuds with the Pope, cannot afford to follow the political behests of a power which, if raised to its former height, would first use its recovered strength to demolish the house of Savoy. In Austria, the Court is avowedly as much in the Vatican interest as ever, but internal divisions and external complications have deprived the Hapsburg family of much of their former prestige, and it is doubtful if ever a chance will be given them of recovering what they have lost. With these two Catholic countries struck off the list of Papal volunteers, and France in the hands of the most intelligent portion of the population—at least for the time being—Don Carlos has latterly been the sheet-anchor of the church militant. Not many months ago the German Ultramontanes spoke of his prospects with warmth and devoted sympathy, as though the contest they are carrying on against their Government were not to be decided at Berlin, but at Madrid. To the amazed observer there could be no doubt that the fiery ecclesiastics who give tone to the German Ultiamontane party were laying the precious unction to their souls that Ultramontane success in Spain would lead to a corresponding result in France, when the German Government and Parliament would be frightened into changing their policy towards the infallible Pontiff. And indeed, after what we have lately seen of the vitality of Roman Catholicism in France, it would be rash to deny that the accession of Don Carlos might not have led to the appointment of a Cabinet of the like hue at Paris. That the ruling powers of Germany would have been sufficiently intimidated thereby to recognise the secular pretensions of the Roman Catholic Church is a fallacy of their priests, but this fallacy did exist, and its explosion, by the final disappearance of Don ‘Carlos from the political stage, is regarded as a huge contribution towards tVie pacific influences at work at Paris and Berlin. Unfortunately, however, for the interest of civilisation and progress, the immediate future of this Continent does not bo much

depend upon the disposition of the French and German Governments as upon the goings on in the Bast. You are aware that after a deal of trouble Austria succeeded in procur. ing the adhesion of the powers to a representation made to the Sultan touching the grievances of the insurgent territory. The Sultan, in a fit of Mohammedan pride, at first declined to take the advice tendered, threatening to torn out his liberal vizier and appoint a well known defender of the old regime in his stead, and this would have brought o i a crisis at a juncture when Russia, as we have seen, was unprepared for the contingency. The Czar’s representative at Constantinople was ordered to betake himself to the Porte, and menace war and perdition unless the Austrian programme was accepted. Thus hurried, the Sultan saw the error of his ways. The only concession required being the proclamation of reforms promised previously over and over again, and which all the world agrees he is impotent to carry out, the Sultan, after all, thought it preferable to comply with so harmless a request than run the risk of irritating his patrons Accordingly, the proposed improvements were solemnly promulgated in every part of the insurgent provinces, the only reservation made by Turkish voracity and selfassertion being the addition of a clause indicative of the reiterative and supererogatory character of the decrees issued. Though it is unnecessary to mention the text of any of the new laws, as none can ever be acted out, yet as a significant symptom of what Turkey is, after all the pressure brought to bear upon her, there is the old objection to receive Christian testimony in courts of law, to appoint Christian judges, and to draught Christians into the army. While these real privileges are not even promised, there is a perfect cornucopia of things less valuable, however desirable in themselves, held out instead. In point of fact it would almost appear in this fanciful document as th ugh the rebels were to be rewarded for rebellion Their taxes are not only to be remitted, their bouses are not only to be rebuilt for them, and their farms restocked at the Government expense, but they are also assured that the Sultan lakes a personal interest in their welfare, and, having been often misinformed as to their condition, will henceforth take particular care to procure the most reliable intelligence about this estimable portion of his loyal retainers. Looking at those condescending advances of the Ottoman power, one would imagine they must have produced some good effect ; yet the reverse is the case, and this week opens what may be called a new and more critical stag-; of the melancholy business. Count Andrassy, the Vienna Chancellor, attending to the wishes of his Magyar copatriots rather than to the interests of the realm as understood by the dynasty and the Conservative and military party, was earnestly desirous to make the reform firman the wind up to the rebellion. Ac cordingly he endeavored to convince his Sovereign that, having exacted so matked a concession from the Hull an, Austria had no alternative but to actively second the mea eUrcs taken by that potentate in deference to her advice The most indispensable measure to be adopted under th- circnmstanci s evidently was the closing of the Austrian frontier against the insurgents, who, aided by the Austrian military and Conservative party, had so long drawn men and ammunition from the Imperial territory. The Austrian Emperor, famous for lending an ear lo all shades of opinion alike, took the advice, and consented to close the frontier, and inform the insurgents of his havir/g done so. General Rodich, the Govenor of Dalmatic, h mself a Sclave, and a partisan of the insurgents, was despatched to Montenegro to advise the Prince and insurgents of the change that had supervened in his master’s policy. The Prince of Montenegro replied that he had never directly assisted the insurgents, though hecould not but say that he had the same difficulty in closing his frontiers as Austria had hitherto had in shutting up hers. The Prince’s official paper had given a very diffuuut account of his doings for some lime past, but though ruling only over cut ihro-its and prcdatoiy mountaineers, his Highness is of course too civilised a personage not to be conversant with the modern diplomatic style of evading a difficulty. While giving his half sarcss ic, half equivocating answer to the Austrian emissary, the Prince, as though, being in the vein, he could not resist show ng his humour In a more demonstrative rnuv er, caused it be announced in the Pan-Sclavonic papers that he had not allowed himself to he inveigled into a promise to recall his men from Herzegovina, tne Montenegrins forming the nucleus of the rebel forces, and being in the habit of retiring to their owa territory whenever pressed by the Turks. This late announcement must be regarded as tantamount to the expressed determination of the Prince to continue the same. Unsuccessful in this quarter, General Rodich failed equally elsewhere. Accepting the urgent invitation, eighteen insurgent chiefs assembled at Ragusa, an Austrian town in the immediate vicinity of the theatre of action ; but their courtesy was restricted to meeting him. When the general asked them to lay down arms, and submit to the lawful authority of the Poite, the unanimously declined. They admitted that they had nothing against the Sultan personally, and that there might be among the leading personages at Constantinople seme few inclined to do them justice ; but they contended at the same time that the hostility between races, creeds, and interests had become too great for them to return to their former homes, and place themselves in the power of the Turks, unless a binding and practical guarantee of safety were given by the poweis. Upon General Rodich telling them that if such were their intention they must not hope for fresh supplies of ammunition or provisions from Austria, the chieftains boldly declared that they could but die, and that they preferred falling in battle to being ignominiously beaten to death by some enraged kadi or bey. This closed the conference, all further speech being supei fluoup. But the greatest embarrassment of all was the refusal of the Sclavonian refugees on Austrian territory to return to their aban doned homes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I believe I repor’ed in a preceding letter that soon after the outbreak of the troubles many thousands of Bosnian and Herzegovine Christians sought refuge on Austrian soil. The number of these fugitives was at one time given at over 60,000, but has since diminished. The remnant, estimated at 40,000 or 50,000, consisting chiefly of old men, women, and children, were to be sent i cross the border, their re appearance in ' urkey being considered a guarantee that heir able-bodied relatives would sheathe the sword, but of all located in Croatia and Lalautut not 0 soul has yet been induced to

do the bidding of the authorities and-go back, With one voice the miserable fugitives proclaim their resolve to stay where they are, not one will depart of his own accord, not one will retrace his steps to Turkey if he can help it, and all plainly inform the Austrians that if determined to rid themselves of the unwelcome incumbrance they must turn them out at the point of the bayonet. But this length Count Andrassy cannot wish to go. However indisposed to he ; p Turkish Sclavonians, he cannot afford to irritate th-ir Austrian co nationalists beyond endurance by actually surrendering the refugees to the Turks However opposed to the annexation designs entertained by the conservative and military party at Court, his position is hardly firm enough to allow him to indulge in strong measures, and give his adversaries an opportunity of denouncing him in the name of outraged humanity and Christian faith. In this predicament he has ordered General Rodich to come to Vienna, and communicate personally with the Government. The general has shown the less hesitation to obey, as he is supposed to be on the side of the military party, and to have carried out Count Andrassy’s anti-Sclavonian demands with the utmost disgust. The Count-Chancellor of course is aware that in sending General Rodich to Montenegro and Ragusa for purposes distasteful to the Sclavonians. he was not exactly using theright man in the right place ; but powerless as he is totitasile the nominees of the military and conservative party, he has no option but to work with the tools allowed him, however unsuitable they may be. It is an old truism that Austrian Emperors are ever willing to change their Cabinets, taking care at the same time to leave the opposite party in office as Under-Secretaries of State and Governors General of provinces. Meanwhile, to do something, the alms given to the refugees by the Austrian Government has been discontinued in the Hungarian dependency of Croatia,] and in Dalmatia, which is not directly under Pesth influence. Count Andrassy’s authority does not seem to be sufficient; even for that. A few Sclavophil journals in Croatia and the military frontier have been put down by the Magyars.