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GERMANY, RUSSIA, AND ENGLAND.

The Berlin correspondent of the Times writes :

Since the Czar’s recent stay at Berlin the question seems to have been discussed at St Petersburg, what would haye occurred if Germany had not listened to Russia’s advice. There are many symptoms indicating that an estrangement between the two countries and a wish for fresh alliances on the part of Russia would have been the consequence. Not a few St Petersburg journals air their long repressed, opposition to Germany ; St Petersburg Reviews allude to an alleged radical antagonism between the two races and countries ; and a cautious diplomatic organ, published in French, does not hesitate to contrast the German and Russian policy by the remark that of the Scandinavian States Sweden has entered within the orbit of Berlin influence, while Denmark sticks to St Petersburg as her point d’avpui. This presentiment of possible dissension with Germany prevailing in Russia, the accidental circumstance of England likewise counselling peace at Berlin, not unnaturally suggests the idea that if Bismarck were to prove less obliging on some future occasion, Lord Derby might be selected as a more eligible connexion. The manner in which this device is rendered plausible will be gathered from the following extract from the Goloss, the most popular organ of the Russian capital:— “ It is very intelligible that with England and Russia counselling peace, the German Government found themselves compelled to reflect once more upon the propriety of going to war with France. Bnt though, thanks to the friendly advice tendered by Russia and England—advise which the German Government could not well ignore—the danger of war was removed this time, is there any guarantee that Europe will not again be visited by a commotion such as we have just witnessed ! It .would be unwise to conceal from ourselves that the recent misunderstandings between Germany and France have caused our friendly alliance with our Western neighbour to be somewhat shaken. Had Russia approved the opinions openly expressed in the highest Berlin spheres, the German regiments at this time would be preparing to invade France, But Russia, seconded by England, did not approve. Berlin voices were silenced in consequence, and a pacific disposition was, at any rate, outwardly assumed, How long it will prevail in the highest Berlin spheres is a question endangering the peace of Europe. It is true that without Germany’s participation or approval there can be no war in Europe ; but it is equally true, that of all European Powers Germany may be the first to require to make war. Circumstances make her, for the present, the most bellicose power in the world, from whom other countries have to apprehend a breach of the peace. Not long ago we expressed our deliberate opinion, that the alliance of the three Emperors is the best guarantee for the preservation of peace, and that this guarantee extends to members and non-members alike. While Russia, Germany, and Austria, are at one, nobody can make war without their consent. But is not

the aspect of things entirely changed when bellicose aspirations arise in the 1 avue itself? Russia, indeed, has no wish u to war anywhere, or with any one. A siiuHungary cannot so much as think of attacking anybody ; but portions of German society, including persons of high rank, are anything but pacific, and the German Government may not be always in a position to withstand their importunity. Should such be the case, it may be questioned whether the Kusso-Austro-German alliance would survive the tension put upon it. Public opinion in Europe has expressed itself highly gratified by that common action of Russia and England, to which we are indebted for the preservation of peace. Their co-opera-tion arose from the similarity of their European interests, and without any preliminary agreement. It suits neither us nor the English, that Europe should be constantly agitated by the fear of war, or that war should be actually made. From the geographical position of their respective countries, from what they have already attained in the world, and wish to achieve in the future, the Russians and the English are the two most pacific nations on the globe. All they desire is to keep what they have got in Europe; to acquire more is utterly indifferent to them. This being so, Russia and England by the natural drift of their policy are called upon to protect the interests of peace on the Continent. The most remarkable feature of their conduct during the late German-French misunderstanding, is that it was brought about by the force of circumstances and without any preconcerted pian. It must be presumed that English statesmen duly appreciate the identity of our political interests, and the weight their policy must gain by going hand in hand with Russia. Pacts which have come to light the last few days induce us to say this. A London aristocratic paper represents an Anglo-Russian alliance as highly desirable, and looks back with longing at the time when Russia and England were hand and glove. In the House of Lords, Eail Russell, the veteran statesman of England, likewise expressed his regret at his country having abandoned her ancient alliances, and more especially the Russian alliance, dissolved nobody knows why. These are notable signs of the times. They prove that the day is fast approaching when international relations will be the primary care of every Government, and when each great country will be obliged to assert its place in the family of nations. It is no wonder that we should regard certain foreign relations as of more immediate importance than any domestic business, if the English confess themselves preoccupied rather by French affairs than their own. After the great internal reforms achieved during the last twenty years, it is perhaps peculiarly fitting for us to turn to foreign politics for a while. We hope we are in per feet accord with Russian public opinion when we say that the attitude latterly assumed by Russian diplomacy has been hailed by our country with triumphant delight. Nothing so flatters the Russian as any respect paid to Russia by Europe. In this we are the true sons of our fathers, and it would be useless to deny that if Russia shows herself powerful in European affairs, the heart of the Russian is proud and elate. But such an influence Russia can exercise only in conjunction with other States; and the pacific tendency of our politics, necessarily drawing us towards nations similarly inclined, an English alliance, on the truly Conservative basis of peace and justice, is recommended to us by the very nature of things. Like the English, we cannot conceive anything which should prevent England and Russia from living on intimate terms. If the English are once satisfied that Russia does not think of invading India, the primary cause of past would be removed, and a perfect agreement might be effected on tue principal points of Central Asian politics. We have often contended that we are not the enemies of the English in Asia, and that we may be their friends, if they will only believe in the sincerity of our sentiments, and throw no difficulties in our way. If the English can once he made to understand that Russia’s extension to the northern declivity of the hills surrounding India will only strengthen England’s hold of India, and do away with all fear of invasion and insurrection, all would be well, and the two nations might amicably and J clearly define their respective spheres of action. As to the Eastern question, if it is rationally treated, and the local populations left to take care of themselves, it can never occasion differences. In all probability England is just as little disposed as Russia to acquire territory on the Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, aud the Archipelago. If those countries are reserved for those who have the best right to them, all we want is fulfilled. What is material to Russia and England is only this, that the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus should remain open to their ships. We are therefore inclined to hold that it must he very easy to effect an understanding between Russia and England respecting the Central Asian and Eastern questions, and that both countries are equally interested in adhering faithfully to the agreement when concluded. This secured, what else could disturb friendly feelings? To Russia circumstances make the English alliance extremely desirable. England, too, is sensible of the necessity of taking up with Russia if she wishes to fulfil her international obligations. We should welcome the revival of the Russo-Bnglish alliance with unqualified delight-delight, we are sure, cordially shared by Russian cultivated society at large.”

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/GLOBE18750916.2.15

Bibliographic details

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 394, 16 September 1875, Page 3

Word Count
1,445

GERMANY, RUSSIA, AND ENGLAND. Globe, Volume IV, Issue 394, 16 September 1875, Page 3

GERMANY, RUSSIA, AND ENGLAND. Globe, Volume IV, Issue 394, 16 September 1875, Page 3

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