GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 384, 4 September 1875, Page 2

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

(From a correspondent of the Press ) LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. Friday, September 3. PERSONAL EXPLANATION.

Hon Mr Taylor wished, before the orders of the day were proceeded with, to make some observations on a question personally affecting himself, viz.—That his name and that of another member of that House had been brought prominently forward in connection with certain land transactions. He had also noticed that in the other branch of the Legislature, their names had been brought forward, and the question raised as to whether they were not disqualified from sitting in that House. He wished distinctly to state that he had no connection with the Government in relation to those land transactions, and he thought Government would bear him out in what he said. [Hon Ur Pollen —“ Hear, hear.”] The transaction was solely carried out by a gentleman in no way connected with the Government—Mr Thomas Russell—lt was not until some time afterwards that his connection with certain other gentlemen induced him to take a share in the company formed to carry out the draining of the particular piece of land referred to. The Hon Mr Williamson was offered a share but declined to accept. He was a shareholder in this company simply as he was a shareholder in any other company with which he was connected, and it was for the House to judge how far such a transactioUjWOuld bring him within the disqualification Act, He could only say that as charges of unfair dealing had been widely spread, he should himself desire the strictest investigation into all the circumstances. Hon Mr Menzies moved, without notice—- “ That a committee to consist of the Speaker, Hons Dr Pollen, Richmond,]Acland, Johnson, Waterhouse, and the mover, to report in seven days as to the alleged disqualification be appointed. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. the abolition bill. When the Hon Major Atkinson resumed his seat, Sir G. Grey rose and said—The long discussion which had taken place had given the House fuller information on the subject of the Bill, and he would therefore take the opportunity of remarking on some of the statements made. He denied that the legal question was a mere technical question as alleged. The House was in a peculiar position, for there had been no legal opinion laid before it except a few lines from the present Chief-Justice, and a few lines from the Solicitor-General, which, after all, was no opinion at all ; and whilst there was not a single lawyer in the House who supported the Government, there were several eminent lawyers in the Opposition who entirely disagreed with the Government. Referring to another branch of the subject, be said the point that privileges expressly granted could only be taken away by equally express terms, was an axiom in constitutional law, and he believed if the Chief-Justice were in the House he would not support the Government, but would tell them that they were acting illegally, and that no change in the Constitution could take place till after the dissolution. Many Constitutional lawyers had held to that doctrine, [Several members —“ Name.” | He could not remember their names just now, but he believed Mr Freeman was one. The duty of the Assembly in the first instance was to have gone to the Imperial Parliament at first, and have got that point cleared up. He must say, and he did so with the greatest respect to the House, that it was an undoubted truth which must be maintained by all lawful constitutional means, that each province, if the Assembly persevered in the course it was now pursuing, had a right the moment this Act was passed to determine what its own future should be. Each province had a right in itself, as the states in a united federation had ordinarily, to say, “ We came into this federation under a certain compact ; if you destroy ihat compact, we have the right to begin ah initio to determine what our own future in every respect shall be.” This right and liberty was invariably allowed by Great Britain to countries under similar circumstances. He believed that had the Imperial Legislature passed an Act enabling the House to do what they were now doing, it would have saddled it with this condition, that it, should not apply to any province until through its Provincial Council it assented. For example, there was Auckland from which the seat of Government had been taken away. He granted that was a necessity, and for the good of of the whole colony under the circumstances; but Auckland had by that act lost so much that she was entitled to some compensation, which she never received. She lost her entire land fund and never received compensation. Auckland was also unfairly and shamefully represented according to population. Honestly, therefore, if the House granted this Act, the people of Auckland would have a right to meet as did the people of the States of America and determine what their future was to be. The same in Otago and the other provinces ; and so long as Courts of Justice would protect him in such action, he would by all lawful constitutional means obtain for the people of Auckland those rights that they should only return to the federation such as now proposed, after a fair, just, and equitable compensation had been paid them for the wrongs they suffered from the maladministration to which they had been exposed, and in having had large sums of money raised from them to be spent in other parts of the colony. Until a fair alteration took place upon these clauses, to which they could honorably submit, the people of Auckland would be justified in refusing to enter any federation the Assembly might please to constitute. [“Oh.”] The original constitution had been framed so as to appeal to the noblest sentiments of human nature, but this Bill and all the measures of the Government appealed to all that was low and base in human nature. Theirmeasures said “forego your rights, and and privileges, and we will give you money.” The member for Timaru had said, “ Let us be New’ Zealanders,” but there was no strength in the argument. The Canadas bad its legislature, the Cape its legislature, New Zealand its legislature ; yet all were proud to be called Britons, and so with New Zealand. If the people had their rights and privileges, they would be as true New Zealanders as they would be deprived of those rights and privileges under which their children might rise from Municipal Council to Provincial Council, from Provincial Council to Superintendent, from Superintendent to the Legislature, and from thence to even the Governorship. [A laugh.] There was nothing ridiculous in that. To some extent

his aspiration had been realised, because this very Assembly, by the very progress he had spoken of, had educated a gentleman already a Governor, viz, Mr Weld. [Hear, hear.]

Mr Stafford —Mr Weld educated this Assembly, Sir G. Grey —Then the Assembly had the honor of being educated by him. He felt more surprised to hear that the Bill would not take away any liberties. If passed it would take away very great liberties, the power of electing their chief officers,of making laws in the provinces, leaving no other power than the Assembly, Writers in England, France, and Germany, for the last thirty years agreed with him that such a constitution as they had had here had been looked on as the very best that could be given to men. That was what was to be destroyed. The Bill took away the 'provinces and put provincial districts in their place. It next took away representative institutions within those districts. The Bill carried falsehood on its front. It should be called not “ A Bill to Abolish the Provinces,” but “ A Bill to Take Away the Representation of the People,” For representative institutions were substituted a Government by nominees of the Governor.,

Hon Major Atkinson —No, Sir George Grey—Who stands up and says “ No ?” Hon Major Atkinson —I do. Sir George Grey —Then I can only say you have not read the Bill. [Opposition cheers.] It takes away representative Councils and gives the Ministry power to make laws by Orders in Council. Its real object is to create a governing class, which has been the object of all the recent measures of the Ministry. By creating this governing class the mass of the population would be sunk in a much lower position than they occupied under existing institutions. The Government could promise to make amendments next session. How did they know they would be returned next session, or have a majority, or that the Upper House, over whom they had no control, would consent to any measure next year. The promises of the Government were delusive and altogether fallacious. HiS belief was that the next Parliament would have to grapple with such financial difficulties —such monstrous expenditure—such a large class of Government servants—that its energies would have to be devoted to saving the country from the crisis impending over it, and have little time to go into the question of framing a new constitution. He firmly believed if once the liberties were taken away from the people that they would never regain them until disturbances had actually taken place. Look at the vast estates Ministers secured for their supporters in Auckland. It was absolutely impossible to get land for settlement. If once the present measure passed into law, the governing class would maintain the power about to be given them, and years would pass before the people got their rights in the lands which properly belonged to them. Why involve the country in difficulties and necessarily bring about a crisis by pursuing an illegal course. He appealed again to the Ministry to adopt a constitutional course, and appeal to the people and see if, as they believed, it was for their happiness and good. No, the Government had a majority at their hack, and they must secure it at this moment, or it would for ever vanish from their eyes. Why not dissolve? [Opposition cheers.] If they adopted that course, supplies would be at once voted, and they’could at once go to the country. He challenged them to take that course. They knew that they dared not. [Cheers.] Not only would the measure, if passed into law, impose for all time an obnoxious form of Government upon the people, but would prevent for a considerable period any alteration in the system of taxation, which in justice to the population was required. But Ministers were afraid to face the subject; he had no faith in the Ministry’s recent conversion to the proposal for a property tax. Holding those views, and believing that the measure would do no good, but on the contrary, produce great evils—that if a constitutional change is to take place it should be different to What the Government proposed, and should provide almost quite as great liberty as the people now enjoyed, and be accompanied by a change of the land laws, which would infinitely benefit every one of the British subjects, and not a favored few, who hitherto receivedenormous benefit—providing equal taxation, and giving equal rights to the lands to all-believing also that the system of political, education for the people might be still preserved instead of only one central legislature, he could only hope those who loved New Zealand would determine to the utmost, by all constitutional means and every facility which the rules of the Assembly allowed, would take care that this measure never passed into law. If this course was persisted in he was determined to pursue the course he had just pointed out, and he hoped to have a good many members acting with him. [Cheers] Sir D. McLean said the real tendency of Kir G. Grey’s speech was the separation of the colony from England, and the creation of a Republican form of Government with Provincial Councils as main machinery. [Cheers and noes.] There was no attempt to take away the rights and privileges of the people, and as for the Bill appealing to the lowest motives of the people, the hon member and his party must have been more guilty for having promised greater bribes to the people. If this Bill was bad, then the hoii member’s was more so, for he would have held out greater temptations to the people. It was not necessary to refer to the legal position, for the Government were perfetly satisfied on the point. They had taken their stand, and would not deviate from it in the slightest degree. [Cheers.] As to the rights and privileges being taken away, this was an assertion which the hon member was particularly demonstrative in making. Of the nine provinces, there were only two which could do anything for the people. On his own admission, the province over which he presided was in a state of bankruptcy, and he could do nothing for the people. Then where were the rights and privileges? The object of the Bill was not to take away the rights and privileges of the people, but to extend them to the utmost equally to all parts of the colony, and not to confine privileges to favored parts of the colony [Cheers.] It was not because they had a majority in the House that the Government were desirous of passing the Bill. They had a majority all over the country—[Cheers] on the question. All delay was utterly and entirely unnecessary. It had been before the country for years—ever since 1858—and even for two years before that. The people had called out for it from all parts of the colony—[“No,” “Yes," and cheers]-—and

the Government wonll continue in their course. He charged the member for Auckland West with having raised questions which had nothing to do with the matter in order to lead the minds of the people away from the subject. The assertion of doss legislation was not warranted. Where had been the class legislation ? Sir G. Grey—Orders in Council.

Sir Donald McLean— Orders in Council! Why no one had been so fond of Orders in Council as the hon gentleman himself. [Cheers.] People in those days had no rights and privileges—[cheers]—and were governed by a despot. [Cheers.] That hon gentleman continually got up and said the people were borne down by oppression—that the Government in all their acts acted illegally; but if the acts of the Government were compared with the acts of the hon gentleman in olden days, it would be seen that their acts were light and trifling to the despotism that the hon gentleman had been guilty of. [Cheers ] Believing that this Parliament had determined that they should go on with the abolition of the provinces, and that was the conclusion desired by the people, the Government would carry it through at all hazards, j Loud cheers.] Mr Reader Wood complained of the Native Minister’s angry criticism of Sir G. Grey’s speech. The latter never said one word about wishing separation for Auckland. Such sentiments came only from the Ministerial side of the House, particularly the member for Tirnaru. He charged the member for Timaru with being disingenuous in not telling the House, when affirming that the colony lost nothing by the alteration in the capitation, that Auckland lost alone. Mr Stafford— How ?

Mr Wood—By losing her five-eighths of the customs revenue, which, had she retained, would have given her £120,000 a year.

Mr Stafford —What about the three million loan 1

Mr Wood— That had nothing to do with the customs revenue 1 [“ Oh !”J The five-eighths was not reduced in consequence of the loan. He asked whence was the opposition of the people to the Bill ? What was moving these men ? It could only be done by two means, one by addressing their personal interests or by interfering with some principle dear to them. The Government appealed to their interests and to pockets, yet Auckland spurned their gift. The principle dear to Auckland which the Government was interfering with was their local self government If he understood their feelings, Auckland as one man did not want to be governed from Wellington—from one single centre —depending on getting back or not their funds as it pleased the party happening to be in power. The feeling of the Aucklanders showed clearly, whether the Bill passed or not they would not have it. [Opposition cheers.J If passed, what would be the effect of attempting to force it upon them. Unless he was very much mistaken,, at the next election every member would be pledged to come to Wellington to vote for separation. [Opposition cheers."] The Assembly would be abolishing themselves. There had been tall talking on the part of the member for Timaru, therefore he would indulge in a little. If the Assembly took up its independent position as the Supreme Legislature, as suggested by the member for Timaru, what was there to present the member for Auckland West, the member for the Hutt, the member for Port Chalmers, the member for Avon, calling their Provincial Councils together, and saying, “ Gentlemen, the Assembly has set itself up in opposition to the English Parliament, and declared itself superior to the Legislature. You follow suit, and declare yourselves independent of the General Assembly. [Opposition cheers.] make yourselves supreme in your own districts.” If the Assembly did such a thing not a single person would rise up in their support, but if the Superintendents took the action he suggested they would be sur rounded and encouraged by the enthusiasm of the people in their provinces. He repeated that the effect of passing the Bill would be to bring about the separation of the two islands. The people declined to have their revenue, and everything they got dependent upon the will of Ministers, and upon a majority of the House.

Mr Stafford— ls not that the state now ?

Mr Woods bagged the hon gentleman’s pardon. Not if fair justice was done to Auckland. There was a strong feeling in the House that the province had not been fairly dealt with. There was another compact equally binding as that of 1856 in regard to land, by which Auckland was to have had five-eighths of her customs revenue, and the expenses of the General Assembly lever to exceed £50,000 in one year. While that compact had been broken, the other one had been rigidly kept. The compact of 1856 pressed unfairly and improperly on Auckland. If Auckland was independent she could manage well, and he quoted figures .to show this. All she should pay to the consolidated revenueshould be £so,oooyearly, and she should be let off for the remainder of her debt.

Mr Stafford— Why ? Mr Wood— Because the compact of 1856 and the present system of finance pressed heavily on her—far heavier than on any other part of the colony. If she was now independent she would have £IIO,OOO to spend on local public works. [Opposition cheers,] Mr Carrington thought the whole effect of the change would be to consolidate the colony, and a more able change than that proposed could not take place. He referred to the altered circumstances of the colony since the provinces were established and expressed an opinion that tea colonies were no longer wanted. He adverted to the financial advantages, and said the advantages were such that it was not an Abolition Bill. It was a destroying Bill, but not a building up Bill. In fact, he would suggest that the title should be altered to “ A Provincial Consideration and Gratification Bill, 1875.” He combatted the assertion that it was proposed to take away the rights of the people, and as a twice returned Superintendent would assert that their rights would be conserved. The people of Taranaki did not care what system they were under, so long as they were better off than they were at present. Mr Parata expressed his intention to support the Bill, not because he was a member of the Government, but because Wanganui had not received justice at the hands of the Superintendent, and because provincialism had failed in other directions.

Mr Montgomery would not argue as to whether the provinces should be abolished. He Intended to reserve the right to vote

against its third reading. He would do nothing to protract business, but Would endeavor in committee to make it as desirable a measure as any member who was its ardent supporter. He believed the hopes held out as to the finance were fallacious, the circumstances of the colony not justifying the promises made. With these ideas, and wishing to place the question fairly before the House, he would wish to state that there had been so many changes since the policy of 1870 as to confuse the minds of the House and country. Few members of the House fully comprehended the financial position of the country. He could not understand them, and therefore perhaps was unable to place his views as plainly before the House as he could wish. He then referred to the promise made last session that the railways should be a charge on the consolidated revenue, and they found this year in the provincial estimates that £127,000 was to be recovered from the, land revenue. He made a number of statements to show that there were many things in which the Ministry were not .consistent, but that there was one thing in which they were always consistent, namely, in the borrowing of more money. The pledge given by the Colonial Treasurer in 1878 to pay off treasury bills had been broken by the present Colonial Treasurer, who purposed devoting them to ways and means, and using the surplus to induce the people to change the constitution. He would glance at tbs proposal, and see what its effects would be. He then drew a comparison between the provincial revenue of Auckland as at present and that proposed by the Government, and affirmed his unbelief that the Government could do what they proposed. The money got from the confiscated lauds in Auckland would, he believed, not do more than meet the expenditure consequent on the maintenance of roads, bridges, &c. Westland was in much the same position. He qnoted figures to show that instead sf a surplus there would be, two years hence, a deficiency, after absorbing land fund, of £117,115. [Opposition cheers.] He trusted he might be wrong, but the figures had been most carefully gone into, and none of his computations could be deemed excessive. If they were correct, was not the condition of the finances of the colony such as to require the gravest consideration. It was not necessary for providing good government equal for all parts of the colony that that they should force a change, and if they wished a united colony, they must subserve that which had been most dear to Otago and Canterbury, their land fund. In regarding the colonial chest as something into which they could dip their hands deeply and obtain sums to be expended in their own districts without regard to the colony, as a whole, the provincial mem-, hers had themselves dealt the heaviest blow at provincialism. But that did not absolve the Government, who should have resisted to the extent of losing their seats, such inroads on the Colonial chest, which had placed the colony in such a precarious financial position. The necessities of the colony had made provincialism impossible. He accepted that, but he said before making the change, let it be submitted to the people. [Opposition cheers.J Let them look the matter fairly in the face. There was Auckland with a large sum to pay for sinking fund on loans and railway indebtedness without having a shilling to pay it with. That indebtedness must be taken over and be charged upon the consolidated revenue. Auckland must be as well governed as Otago and Canterbury. It was no use pretending to smooth over the difficulty; sooner or later it must come to, this: the whole indebtedness of the colony would have to be paid out of the consolidated revenue, except such as was provided for by specific security. If the residue of the land fund was to be reserved and not be swept into the maelstrom of colonial finance, taxation would have to be imposed. The impression conveyed to his mind the other night on hearing the semi-official speech of the member for Clive was that the Government proposed to bring down a property tax.

Mr Ormond —The member for Clive has had no communication with the Government on the subject. He stated his opinion frankly as an independent member, quite as independent as the member for Akaroa himself.

Mr Montgomery admitted the independence of the member for Clive, who, however, understood the mind of the Government on many things. Let the Government bring in a resolution for a property tax this session, and go to the country upon it. Why should men whose estates had by the public works been doubled and trebled in value escape taxation even for a year. Mr W. Kelly did not agree with the member for Akaroa that £45,000 would not be realised from the confiscated lands in Auckland during the financial year. A much larger sum might be expected, ' Mr May said none of his constituents disapproved of the abolition of the provinces, but some wished for delay, and there being a difference of opinion amongst his constituents, he should be guided entirely by his own conscience. He then proceeded to give his reasons for advocating immediate abolition. He spoke principally with regard to the Auckland Provincial Council, which he likened unto a tree with a little vitality left, but not sufficient to send the sap out of its branches. The financial point of the question which some members had affected to ignore, he considered of vast importance. Provincialism in Auckland was emaciated for want of being fed. It had no funds, and could not perform its functions. There were now too many law making machines in the colony, and they were becoming confused. Difficulty was found in their administration, and it would be better if they had but one Legislature and one class of laws, and one purse. He then referred to the want of harmony in the working of this dual form of Government, With regard to the land fund, he was always of opinion that that should be the property of the colony, and made one sum. He took it that the position of Auckland would be greatly improved by the proposed change. The Bill proposed to take over the police, gaols, and hospitals. He saw therefore with great pleasure that those institutions were likely to be well managed, One hon gentleman had said if the Bill passed he might see the Custom House barricaded and a thousand men under arms. He would therefore be glad to see the police not under the Provincial Government control. With regard to the corporation of Auckland, which for some time had received nothing from the Provincial Council, it would get, under the oropt sed system, in addition or equivalent to rales, the sum of £GOOO or £7OOO, and if they obtamed the licenses they would get about £BOOO more. This meant that the corporation would receive by the Bill some

£14,000 over and above what it received at present. The question of education in Auckland was also one which suggested that a change should be made with as little delay as possible, and he had much pleasure in supporting the motion. Mr Thomson moved the adjournment of the debate.

Friday, September 3. The Speaker took the chair at 2.30, QUESTIONS.

In answer to Mr Stout’s questions (1) under what authority Sir Julius Yogel has entered into a contract with the New Zealand Shipping Co. (limited) for the conveyance of emigrants to New Zealand ; (2), whether such a contract was made with the express sanction of the Cabinet; (3), the Government intend to ask this House to validate the contract so made, The Hon Major Atkinson replied, that so far as the Government were aware, Sir J. Vogel had made no contract, but that the Aggnt-General had nearly completed a contract with the New Zealand and other shipping companies at an advanced rate of payment. The advance, however, was really only nominal. For some time past Government had been paying more than the price named for immigrants. Owing to the large number of deaths among children, and owing to their not getting sufficient food of the sort suitable for children, the Government directed the Agent-General to provide a more liberal dietary scale for children, which had caused addition to the contract price previously paid. When the contract ran out the extra diet was included in the contract, hence tin apparent advance. He had not been advised of the charter party being signed. He was awaiting the return from the Agent-General, who made all such confTAOffl FIRST READINGS. The following Bills were read a first time : —Bill vesting the control of wharves and quays at Greymouth and Hokitika in the borough councils ; Public Libraries Bill. ABOLITION BILL, The debate on the Abolition Bill was resumed by . . Mr Thomson who considered the Ministerial statement of last night showed Government did not know its own mind on the subject, and the Bills shadowed forth were not on all-fours with the Abolition Bill. If he could believe the provinces would be better off under the proposed system, he might be able to reconcile himself to the change, but he could not so believe. According to his calculations it would produce a deficit of £16,908 so far as Otago is concerned. Despite the Treasurer’s assertions he,contended they had been for the last two years paying interest out of loans. He mentioned that a return had been placed in his hand by the member for Akaroa, of the number of civil servants. That number was 6256, made up as follows :—Pensions, 26 ; stamps, 44 ; printing, 42, besides apprentices; stoics, 5; geological, 8 ; electoral, 31; Crown lands, 8 ; inspectors of machinery, ' 6 ; law and justice, including districts and R. M. Courts, 246 ; land transfer, 36 ; deeds registry, 32 ; postal, 911 ; telegraphs, 693 ; < Customs and Custom services, 211 ; native officers, 828 ; masters of native schools, 46 ; < militia and volunteers, 103: railways open to < traffic, 582, besides the Provincial railways; armed constabulary, 737; confiscated lands, 18 ; defence loan, 738 ; public works, ( 316 ; immigration services, 93; commis- i sioners of. Crown lands, 13 ; receivers of land revenue, 7 ; Native Lands Court, 27 ; inspectors of surveys, 14 ; trust funds, 70. To this army of servants be would have, he added, the schoolmasters, surveyors, police, &c, to be taken over. With the Government controlling such" a staff of officers, and so influencing the elections, it would be little better than a farce attempting to oppose. In that respect their liberties might, he said, be in danger. The truth was the colony could not afford to keep up provincialism. It would have been better and more honest for the Government to have cotne down and said so. Hon Major Atkinson—They do. NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr Gibbs has given notice to move in committee on Abolition Bill as an amendment to clause 19—“ There shall be paid annually out of the land fund of each provincial district to the governing bodies of the several road districts within the provincial districts a subsidy in proportion to the rates collected. For the purpose of deciding the proportion of the land fund to be payable to each road district they shall be classified , i as follows:—Class 1, districts' in vicinity of ; towns, and in comparatively populous places, shall be entitled to ten shillings for every one pound of general rates; class 2, ontlying districts outside class 1, or in less populous places, to receive one pound for every one pound of rates received ; class 3, outlying districts in which the population is sparse and scattered to receive one pound ten shillings for every one pound of general rates received. As an amendment to clause 20, there shall be paid annually out of the consolidated fund to the governing body of every municipality and road district within each provincial district by way of endowment, a subsidy in proportion to the rates received within such municipality or road district. For the purpose of deciding the proportion payable to each municipality or road district, they shall be classified as follows:—Class 1, municipalities, who shall receive 6s for every one pound of general rates ; class 2, road districts in the vicinity of towns and in comparatively populous places, and such districts shall receive ten shillings for every one pound of general rates ; clause 3, road districts outside class 2, or in less populous places, and such districts .shall receive one pound five shillings for every one pound of general rates; class 4, road districts in which the population is sparse and scattered, and such districts shall receive one pound fifteen shillings for every one pound of rates. RETURN SHEWING THE AMOUNT OF LAND FUND TO BE RECEIVED WITHIN CANTERBURY PROVINCIAL DISTRICT, FROM NOVEMBER Ist, 1875, TO JUNE 30th, 1876. £• Receipts from land fund 461,758 Railway receipts 107,376 Total 569,134 CHARGES. Interest and sinking fund ... • •• 55,388 Surveys and general administration of the waste lands ‘ ••• Road Boards ... Working expenses, railways ... J 0,57-4 Education 31,270 Total ... £214,651

Balances available for purposes mentioned in sub section 2 of section 18 of Abolition Bill ...£354,483

A note to the return says these balances are not liable _to any charges under sub section 1, sect ion 18. The expenditure to be incurred on immigration it is proposed to charge to the Immigration and Public Works loan, ar.d charitable aid to th c con sol idatedre veii ue. Th e grand total does not show the whole sums available for local public works, but only that part of the sums available which arises out of the operations of the land fund. The balances above shown will be augmented by any increase in the estimated land revenue, and be further enlarged by contributions from the consolidated fund, amounting to £IIO,OOO for the year.