GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 375, 25 August 1875, Page 2

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

[By Telegbaph.] (From a correspondent of the Press.) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Tuesday, August 24. The Speaker took the chair at 2.30. PETITIONS; Among other petitions presented was one from the Thames, which on being unrolled reached from the head of the gangway to the Speaker's chair, and prayed the House not to sanction the opening of public houses on Sundays. NOTICES. Among the notices was one by Mr Wales to the effect that it would be impolitic to appoint as Surveyor-General any one who has not had experience in this colony as a surveyor. Mr PYKE also gave notice of his intention to ask if the Government would give the House an assurance that in making the appointment they would recognise the claims of the chief surveyor of each province. ACCOUNTS COMMITTEE. The Public Accounts Committee was grauted three weeks' extensiou cf time, in which to bring up its report on the banking arrangements of the colony. ABOLITION DEBATE. Mr Buckland resumed the abolition debate. He reviewed the early history of the colony, and showed, so far from Auckland being financially soundjher twelve months' revenue was barely sufficient to meet six months expenditure, and she was wholly dependant on the colony for the means of carrying on, He stated, amid loud cheers from the Ministerial side, that while Mr Reader Wood was declaring the solvency of the province, the General Government was actually advanciug to the province the means of meeting its engagements. He was always opposed to the Government and the Vogel policy, but in this matter, apart from all party interest, he would support them heartily, because he conscientiously believed the measure would secure the welfare of the colouy, and be the first step towards making it the great, glorious country he so wished wished to see it. Since the Opposition had intimated that they were determined to talk against time, his vote was at the service of the Government whenever they demanded it, aud he would sit there so long as was required and he was able. Mr Macandrew —The hon member who has just spoken has been exceedingly eloquent in denouncing a state of things which, as I understand, occurred long before Provincial Councils or Provincial Governments came into existence. I may say I fail to see why be should have made a personal attack on the member for Auckland West. I think he has attributed to that hon member a statement which he never made, lam sure the member for Auckland West never took credit to himself for makiug laws before the Constitution Act came into force, but did so for enabling the people of this colony to make laws. I think it is a great pity that the Auckland dirty linen should be brought here to be washed. I hope we shall have no more such during this debate. The hon member has altogether failed to assign any reason why the Provincial Council of Otago should be abolished. Before saying a few words upon the question now before the House, I desire to express my most unmitigated contempt for those unworthy motives which have been attributed to myself and others in connection with our opposition to this Bill—motives which have been attributed by those whom I fear are very much inclined to measure other men's corn by their own bushel. For myself, at all events, I fail to see why, because I have the honor of being called by the popular will to administer the affairs of the province which now we are endeavoring to defend, as well as the right of the people to prevent those rights from being etolen a march upon, we are stigmatised as being actuated by merceuary motives. If any arguments were required to prove the baseness of the asser tion so far as myse'f is concerned, I need not only point out that if I had sup ported this measure instead of opposing it, when it became law, the chances and probabilities are that I should have been offered a financial position far more secure and far more lasting than that which I now hold. [Opposition cheere.] I think the chances are I should be offered a very lucrative appointment iadepeudent of, and irre-

sponsible to the people. The objections to this Bill have beeu so fully urged by various speakers, that it would be almost presumptuous on my part weie I to endeavour to reiterate those arguments, which, have been much more forcibly adduced than I can pretend to do. I shall be content with referring to one or two considerations, which seem to me, ought to influence the House in dealing with the question now before it. In common with all previous speakers, I am of opinion that the time has come when it is absolutely necessary that there should be some modification of the existing state of Government throughout the colony, f Hear, hear.] I am free to admit that the colony is groaning under an overburdened Government. [Oheers.] We have now two Governmental machines to do the work which at one time they were satisfied to have done with one, and which I believe one is quite sufficient to perform ; still, this House and the members on the Government benches have failed to see the direction how and where the remedy can be best supplied. It appears to me, it ig not by sweeping away existing local self Governments that the remedy can be best supplied. This House ought to look at home. I thiuk this legislature ought to commence by reducing its own establishment, by confining its functions to those subjects intended by the Constitution Act. I have had a seat in this House, with very little intermission during the past twentyone years. I believe there is only one hon member besides myself who occupied a seat in the first session of 1854. It may therefore be fairly presumed I have had some opportunity of becoming acquainted with the history of this legislature, and so far I differ from the opinions expressed by the member for the Hutt. My experience of the history of this legislature is, that it has been to a great extent an usurpation of provincial functions. Then, too, the influence of the member for Timaru has been used with a determination that Provincial Councils should stink in the nostrils of the people. When all these circumstances occur to me, if, is a matter of amnzement how -Provincial Governments have managed so long to keep their heads above water of amazement and wonder how these governments performed their functions so effectively when the sword of Damocles was so coutinually suspended over them. It is a lamentable thing to reflect that Provincial Councils—that men who administer provincial affairs, who have borne the heat and burdens of the day, who had and were doing their best to carry on the great work of colonising the country—instead of being encouraged by the superior Legislature, have had every obstacle placed in their way in endeavoring to develope the resources of the country. I say this is the policy which has led to the present unsatisfactory state of things. If this Bill had been a Bill for abolishing the supremeXegislature as at present constituted, it would have had my most hearty support. [Cheers and laughter.] By this Bill we are told great pecuniary savings will be effected to the colony, but the only saving years to come will the railways yield better or as well as in Otago. In fact, in a short period we will be getting £IO,OOO a year from our railways over and above the working expenses of the lines. Why should this sum be sent up to Wellington, instead of being spent by the Provincial Council in the construction of roads, bridges, &c, in the provinces. No doubt we shall be told that the House of Kepresentatives will take care that the revenue derived from each particular district will be returned to it; I confess I have no great confidence in that. The thing is utterly impossible. It, will go into the colonial treasury whenever the exigencies of the colony demand it. Surely the resources of Otago are far more likely to be equitably distributed by fcrty-five men elected by the people assembled at Dunedin, than by seventy-eight men sitting here, only nineteen of whom know anything, or have any interest in the province. An hon member has giveu us adoleful accountof theway in which the goldfieldß of Otago are treated by the Provincial Council. It is utterly hopeless to attempt to argue with that hon member, who thinks that there are no other interests than mining in the province. I feel sure the miners themselves will not be slow to discover that if they had little under provincial administration they will have infinitely less under the colonial administration. It will be no very difficult matter to show that the Colonial Government has received large revenues from the goldfields, while a comparatively small amount has found its way into the coffers of the province. The goldfields cost the province much more than has been received from them. At the present time the province is paying £20,000 a year at least upon that portion of the provincial debt which was incurred for opening up the goldfields. All the outlying districts and goldfields will find, if the province has chastised them with whips, the Colonial Government will chastise them with scorpions. How any man with the slightest knowledge of the amount expended on the Otago goldfields—though I admit it has been inadequate to our necessities—can lay the flattering unction to his soul that the amount will be exceeded, is utterly beyond my comprehension. If the Bill becomes law, those settled districts having the greatest amount of rateable property will get the lion's share. [Oppositioncheers.] Thedeluded miners will soon wake up to find they have been most egregiously sold. Another argument adduced in favor of the Bill, is that it will reduce the cost, and provide an efficient police. It will be a very great blunder if the police are taken over by the colony. If any reform is wanted in that direction, it should be towards decentralisation. We know that the Irish constabulary, which is under the control and supervised by the Central Government, is not to be compared, as regards efficiency and economy, with the constabulary in England, which is under local control. I Mr Luckie: "General control also."] I think it is under purely local control. 1 have no hesitation in saying, taking the city of Dunedio. for example, if the cost of the police had to be borne by the corporation of the town, half the present amount of supervision would be sufficient to keep the peace of the citj ; whereas, whether under General and Provincial control, districts were always to be found clamoring for police who would not be otherwise clamoring for them. I ca:i remember districts which one man was sufficient to protect, which in New Zealand would require at least five. Instead of anything to be gained it will be quite the reverse from the centralisation of the police, in so far as Otago is concerned. I look upon the present proposal as a most wanton and most unprovoked attempt by the Central Legislature to upset a system of Government which has worked well and will compare favorably with the administration of the

Colonial Government. This attempt is being made by those who I believi are utterly ignorant of the nature and extent of the functions they are seeking to take upon themselves. The Colonial Treasurer looks upon Otago through the optics of the Taranaki province, the whole extent of whose business is not much greater than some municipalities or Road Boards in the South. The House will be surprised when I tell them that in Otago the Executive Council meets twice a week ; it is no uncommon occurrence to pass a hundred different matters, many of them comparatively insignificant, but all more or less of local interest to the parties interested. If this Bill passes, all this business must either be blotted out of existence, or must be administered by an agent on the spot, or by a Minister in Wellington. In that case, I imagine these benches will have considerable additions to their numbers. Assuming the latter to be the case, will any man tell me that the local affairs of Otago are likely to be more satisfactorily dealt with by a Ministry in Wellington than by a Council presided over by a Superintendent, both elected by the people, and resposeible to the people, and accessible to the people at all times. To my mind the thing is preposterous. Members on those benches have no idea of the duties they are undertaking. Last session of the Provincial Council fifty-eight or fifty-nine Bills were passed, more or less important, all affecting subjects of local interest. If this Bill passes, of course all this provincial work will be cropping up here, and no doubt similar work from other parts of the colony. Another reason adduced for abolishing the provinces, and for robbing the South, is the scandalous state of Auckland. He considered no better argument could be adduced in favor of an alteration of the system of central legislation, which brought Auckland to her present condition. He condemned the Bill as a step towards separation, and warned the Ministry that their action would produce results they little dream of.

Mr BBYCE considered the self-praise of Superintendents no recommendation. He criticised the speeches of Mr Macandrew and Mr Filzherbert, and taunted the latter witl proposing in 1867 himself to subsidise the Road Boards out of the consolidated revenue, and condemning the same thing in 1875. The Constitution had not given satisfaction to the people. That was admitted by everybody except the member for the Hutt. In years past the table had been loaded with petitions, and the people had taken every opportunity of protesting and had cried in vain to get an alteration. He thought the Abolition of the Provinces, and the endowing of the Boad Boards, sufficient for this session. It would take many a session to perfect the new state of things. The Provincial party would not join, but would try all they could do to make hitches and bring about a serious deadlock. As one who loved his country as the land of his birth, he supported the Bill, which he honestly believed would conduce to making the colony an united whole.