GERMANY AND FRANCE

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 338, 13 July 1875, Page 4

GERMANY AND FRANCE

The Prussian correspondent of the Times , writing from Berlin on the 12th of May, says The Deutsche AUgemcine Corresponded, a lithograph sheet, credited with authentic intelligence, says ; “ The expediency of mobilising the German forces was seriously discussed at Berlin at the time of the visit of the Emperor of Austria to Venice. However, as Austria and Italy do not at present seem inclined to join France, the apprehensions formerly entertained in that direction are fortunately allayed. This does not prevent political and military events in France, as well as the doings of the Frenchified Ultramontanes in Belgium, being closely watched at Berlin. The recognition by the leading Powers of the temperate policy pursued at Berlin is the best ■ guarantee that an understanding will be effected and the last lingering fears dispersed.” Uncanny as this sounds, it is hoped that France will see fit to consider whether a reduction of her military preparations would not have a powerful effect in reviving peaceful thoughts. At present, though the Exchange is buoyed up by the pacific language emphatically held for the last few days in the semi-official press, public confidence, rudely shaken by what preceded, is not entirely restored, There is a general conviction that unless something were in the wind the inspired papers would not have been permitted to excite apprehensions of impending war and paralyze the trade and commerce of the country. The very trust reposed in the discretion of the Government makes people disinclined to believe the noise meant nothing, or at most was intended to administer chastisement to the French Press. These conclusions cannot but be strengthened by sundry reminiscences of the immediate past. Little more than a year ago the citizens of the capital remember that Prince Bismarck said in so many words at a public sitting of the German Parliament that if he were ever convinced of France’s arming for immediate war he should deem it his duty not to allow the enemy to choose his own time for attack. Again, what the Chancellor said in the publiahed Amim despato..cj and elsewhere about an anti-German conspiracy fomented by the united Ultramontanes of all European countries, and the facilities thus afforded - France for securing alliances, is necessarily recalled at a‘time when semi-official writers are representing themselves as really alarmed on both counts. Considering the well-known character aiid connexions of the journals in which the French Government are charged with gradually mobilizing their army under pretence of carrying out the cadres law, it is Regarded as certain that disquieting reports must have 1 been received at Head Quarters from Paris, while the Ultramontane Court party at Vienna would not by authoritative papers have been held responsible for a possible breach between Austria and Germany had not the Government thought they had reason to fear unfavorable results from the alleged inclination of the Austrian Emperor to join Italy and France. Whether these misgivings are well-founded or not, two circumstances should be kept in mind when judging the state of things at Berlin. In the first place, some allowance should be made for nervousness in a Government and a nation subjected to invasion only {six years ago, and who have not forgotten the solemn league and covenant signed against them at that critical time by three powerful Sovereigns. It is but too true that Germany’s disadvantageous geographical position in the centre of Europe and the dire fate she has recently experienced from the superabund- ■ ahee of neighbors have a tendency to give double force to the remembrance of the last attack, Secondly, the judgment shown at that eventful period by the principal civil aiid rililitary dignitaries of the realm and the success attending their efforts naturally inspired people With a sense of their leaders’ merits, and predisposed them to take the word of these well-tried personages in any sixtailar emergency. If an educated German is always inclined to believe the dictum of a specialist, and to refrain from venturing an opinion unless he has made the subject his special study, he is sure to adhere to this national peculiarity in a case where minute military and diplomatic details known only to the initiated few have to be weighed, and where his sureties for the official view are a Bismarck and. a Moltke. This being so, it is morally certain that were the leading Ministers and Generals td declare that military and diplomatic reasons render it a duty of self-preservation to anticipate an enemy, or some enemies, who might be waiting to attack Germany, the portion of the people who have taken an interest in the unification of the country would rally round the old standard with more determined zeal than ever. The respect felt for the aged Emperor would likewise serve to strengthen the conviction that if a man of his conscientious character sanctions the deed, there is no alternative left but to strike before it is too late..'i

Virtually, therefore, it depends upon the decision of a very few persons not only whether peace is to continue or not, but also whether the nation. shall think war inevitable or not. The idea of attacking the French merely to satisfy the lust of glory or the even more contemptible greed of gain is certainly foreign to the nature of the German people. Should the present endeavour to preserve peace prove unsuccessful, —an improbable contingency from all we hear, — the nation would face the ordeal fully persuaded in their own minds that they have ho choice. The accuracy of this assumption may be disputed by candid well wishers on more grounds than one, but to question its sincerity would argue an erroneous estimate of the moral courage with which it would be acted on if put to the test. Very violent articles hare been recently published, both hy the Ministerial and independent organs of the capital, to repudiate the charge that there is a party in Germany contemplating war to gratify ambition. At th 6 moment of telegraphing this 1 re ceive to-day’s Semi-official, or, rather, all but wholly official, Provincial Correspondence. In an explicit leader upon recent events this important print gives us to understand that, notwithstanding the disquieting symptoms lately observable in certain neighbouring States, Germany can afford to be pacific because she is strong, and because she relies upon the community of interests binding her to Russia and to Austria. The visit of the Russian Emperor, therefore, though prompted by 1 ho political motive, cannot but exercise a beneficial influence upon the consolidation of " ■