AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

Globe, Volume III, Issue 220, 22 February 1875, Page 4

AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

(From a correspondent of the Press.) Paris, December 26. The unforseen continues to be the only thing certain, and unless the Orleanist tail joins the Moderate Republicans, there is not the slightest prospect either of the constitutional laws being passed, or the dissolution voted. As not a few hold that civil war is the least of all evils for Spain, perhaps many may come round to the belief that a day-to-day Government is not the worst arrangement for France. After the vacation the expected crisis will come to a head, and the real stormy winds commence to blow. The Republicans are holding together well; they decline to consider any single constitutional scheme before having the whole draft of the contemplated institutions before them. Of course to legislate on the Senate, without previously affirming the Republic, not by windy declarations seventeen times over as in 1848, but by laws of a business character, would be to create a refuge for the present obstinate deputies, and to carry into that new Chamber all the vices of the present. Then the Senators, to be either respected or practically useful, must be elected by universal suffrage, or from among councillors the offspring of the manhood vote. Pocket Senators are impossible. If France be not nearer the Republic, she is certainly farther away from the restoration of any Pretender. Time works wonders. The Arnim trial has, for the accused, proved something like a flash in the pan ; the object of the indictment appears to have really been to exasperate France, to push her excitable nature to commit some folly, to tumble into some trap. This object has missed fire. As to the revelations, these form a subject for diplomacy in general to sigh, groan, or laugh over as it thinks best. In putting French patience to a new test, in feeling its pulse, Bismarck has signally failed ; his pinthrusts have revealed nothing “ psychological.” But Bismarck and Arnim cordially disliked France ; the latter bespattered all parties alike in France with mud, save the Bonapartists ; while Bismarck eati mated them just as they paint each other in their passionate discussions, and Germany cannot be blamed if she forms her opinion from such data. Of course it was very mean of Comte d’Arnim to overlook the grand traits of the politics of France, and to descend to the petty role of a cancanier, which is more despicable than that of a gossip. He hated M. Thiers as warmly as he does France, and has no higher authority to quote for the “ corruption of the French army,” than the purist Bazaine! Bismarck in ordering the publicity of these despatches has only spoken to the gallery, and but to the gallery in Prussia. His reputation for boldness will be increased, but his prudence will be questioned, and his judgment regarded as less sure. At the reception held by the German Ambassador a few evenings ago, the French official world flocked in full numbers ; it was a manifestation of the retort courteous, and intended not to compliment Prussia, but Bavaria, whose Prince Hohenlohe represents the German Empire. France nurses her revenge only against Prussia. The wrong of France is her merciless punishment, and the wrong Prussia has done to the world is, the founding a feudal Empire, when it was imagined German unity meant at least liberty for Germans. Yet France, though weak and distracted for the moment, remains still the vanguard and sentinel of Continental liberalism.

The Comte d’Arnim, in his avowal that “of all parties in France the Bonapartists were the sole that solicited Prussian support,” has given something like a coup dc grace to Imperialism in France. It too would be willing to return, like Louis XVIII. in the baggage vans of Prussia. The proof of the new hate thus engendered against “ the eagle of Sedan,” may be witnessed in the newspapers, and will likely force the prosecution of M. Rouher and other Bonapartist deputies for their alleged connection with theillegal Committeejof Appeal to the people. Public opinion is not by any means satisfied at the conduct of Ministers respecting this grave matter. Justice cannot be dragged down to suit the exigencies of political combinations, so the documents connected with the whole affair must be published, or the Government state why it keeps them back. It is proceedings like these that generate contempt for institutions among the quickeyed people. The misfortune of France in respect to liberty is this, that every party believes it to be an excellent blessing, provided it be limited to themselves. It thus becomes domination, or that kind of liberty which Danton described, “you above, and your enemy below.” The subject of superior University instruction is a case in point. The clerical party, as is their right, demand to found Universities, being ready to do so. The advanced Liberals refuse to grant that right, because they are not in a position to compute with the Cburcb. Jupteatf of oh-

jecting, they ought to set to work and urge the laity to found Colleges like their opponents, However, the demand that the State should allow the Universities to confer degrees, is not at all so clear, nor is public opinion in favor of that liberty. The State does well to permit other faculties to instruct alongside it, but to surrender, or fraction its monopoly of conferring degress, would result in lessening the value of diplomas. There is no objection on the other hand to the adoption of the Belgian plan of conferring degrees—namely, by a mixed jury, that examines every candidate as to his knowledge, irrespective as to whether he may have graduated in a Jesuits’ college or a Free-thinking university. For the sake of learning itself, for the material well-being of the professors, and in the interests of students, it is to be hoped no university that may be founded, will be recognised as such, till after an experience of some years’ working, and the testing of its financial resources.

We are about entering the acute stage of etrennes, when everybody expects to discount you, from the dustman up to your bosom friend, if he have children. You give the dustman, scavenger, or lamplighter a few francs, though no more personally acquainted with them than with King Cacobau, while the olive branches of your friend expect magnificent presents, not toys. An agitation is springing up, and properly so, against this increasing “ white terror” on the part of babydom, under the pretence of pleasing which parents levy a black mail on your purse to furnish their drawing room with knick-knacks. A more repulsive pretender to your “ civil list” is the house porter, who has a pocket like a common grave, always demanding a “ give, give,” with an ambition as insatiable as Wolsey’s. Those who do least for you expect most, and never will view you as a cheerful giver. Postmen, the news-boys above all, and this class of daily utilities generally, deserve to be medaille with five franc pieces. As if to add insult to injury, the wives of the concierges commence to put in quiet hints about their existence, and the laundry maids also. One could be reconciled to envy the independence of Charles Lamb’s beggar after all this fleecing. It would be wisdom and justifiable to organise a “ Horae rule” movement against this indifference of the stranger to vested rights. The continuance of snowy weather is reflected in the toy shops, where the contents display a truly Lapland character. The Russian Embassy turns out in sledges; poor Prince Orloff cannot be denied this consolation after the manner Bismarck treated him in the Arnim letters; and France to show that she bears no ill-will against Russia, has a large display of Muscovy bears in the sugar artists’—baker is not the word—windows. Mementoes of the invaders have all but disappeared; the familiar florid face and sandy hair of the Prussian in blue uniform and brass helmet, with a clock under one arm, and the utensil that Xantippe preferred to throw at the head of her good man Socrates, under the other, are as rare as last year’s snow. On the other hand, there is an increase in Alsatian subjects for presents, and yule logs, do duty as jacks-in-the-box.

The opening of the new opera will soon furnish incidents enough for an Odyssey. After expending some sixty millions to erect this marvellous structure, it was on the point of hanging fire, with respect to the inauguration, for want of real artistes to sing ; not that the supply was short. As for Italian as for French opera, the candidate stars are as plentiful as blackberries, but not as welcome exactly as the flowers of May. They appear for an instant like the snow flake on the river—one moment white, then gone for ever. Happily Mme. Nilsson has come to the rescue, through the instrumentality of the manager of the Figaro, the well-known Yillemessant, who exacted in return that his subscribers and their friends should have the run of the buildings for four hours. In his first transport of joy, the director of the theatre consented, but such an outcry was raised against the sacrilege of turning the serious building into a puffing machine for a journal pour rire, that the Government interfered and prohibited the desecration. Yillemessant bowed to fate, but in the interim he has secured some hundreds of new subscribers to console his disappointment, Paris is all-absorbed in the opening of the new edifice, and not standing room even is to be had for the first opera, so great has been the rush, for every one desires to be able to say “ I was there.” The city continues to be crowded more and more, and delicate people seem inclined to stand the winter season here, which may be done without danger if the apartment be well ventilated and heated, and care be taken to be warmly clad on going out of doors. Nothing can bo more treacherous than the “ sunny ” days of winter in Paris ; it is not the cold that does the injury, but the clammy humidity that no variation affects, till spring arrives.