AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

Globe, Volume II, Issue 153, 30 November 1874, Page 4

AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

From a correspondent of the Press. Paris, October 3. France may be considered republican, in the sense of being an enemy of all that recalls the ancien regime , and the friend of all liberal solutions of all questions in every country ; not concealing her sympathies and her preferences, so long as such are not incompatible with her security and repose; she has no false honor, no attachment towards a condemned past ; the tortuous politics of the ex-Empire she repudiates, and desires in diplomacy even, rectitude and simplicity. The Republican party is no longer a party of ideologues , of wind-bags, and of utopists ; it has found out the nothingness of these, and has since three years been steadily undergoing apprenticeship to business affairs, and has acquired the certainty that acts of violence, of intolerance, and of individual vanities, can kill republicanism, and that patience, conservatism, and sagacity, can make it blossom as the rose. The Royalists refuse to acknowledge this change, and the Imperialists of course have faith only in themselves and their ways and means. The triumph of a definite Republic, or of all the conditions that make up a wise one, appears not to be very distant, and above all, because no other solution is to be found possessing the same elements of duration. Whilst France will not not have this definite Republic there can be no other question for her than to know and to say if she wishes or repels this solution ; hence, all electoral manifestation is actually a plebiscite for or against the Republic, and since universal suffrage cannot be abolished —being the most fixed institution the country possesses—and that mutilations only make it more vigorous, just as pruning benefits trees. Monarchy as a whole cannot compete with Republicanism, in accepting such as the foundation of its right and existence. These truths, daily becoming more prominent, seem not to be recognised by the Government, to judge by the proceedings and speeches of its members, and the revelations of its journals. Republicanism is anything but in the odor of sanctity with the authorities ; this is unfortunate, as it involves antagonism with public opinion. But then the authorities are Royalists, which accounts for all existing inconsistencies and makeshifts to put off evil day when they must bow to fate. It would be a great mistake to conclude that the conservatism of France is a monarchial monopoly, and that Republicans are the arch-opponents of Marshal MacMahon. His presence at the head of the Republic is invaluable, and hence their anxiety to constitutionally consolidate his office, and to loyally support him. They have no other strategy, he is not for them a screen behind which a pretender is concealed, nor an antichamber awaiting the coming of rival claimants. To found a Septennate pure and simple is a chimera, for the country neither understands nor wishes a device for prolonging the provisional, and repels the proposition to live, move, and have its being, with no other constitution, no other organization, than the chapter of accidents. The important electoral struggle in the Maine-et-Loire just ended, after a double ballot, at a fortnight’s interval, ought this time to open the eyes of the Assembly as to its delusions respecting that ignis fatuus, “ the grand Conservative party,” composed of such heterogenous materials as the fanatical adorers of Divine right, of Democratic Caesarians, and once respectable Orleanism. Outside this Mosaic combination, there is, it seems, no safety; exclusion, arbitrariness, contempt, are reserved for the Republican doxy. It is timet o commence to govern with the aid of all moderate men. The victory of the Republican candidate in the election in question, doubly ratified in the very stronghold of monarchy, and against the Orleanists and Bonapartists united, with all the advantages of official support, ought to conclusively indicate to the Marshal what the nation is resolved to possess, and how imprudent it is to allow himself to be used by any party in the electoral contests. All that France possesses of statesmen are in favor of the establishment of the conservative republic, the latest adherent being the Marquis de Noailles, French Minister accredited to Victor Emmanuel. He too is compelled to admit nothing but the Republic can best contribute to allay angry passions and neutralise rival political interests in France, and that one can equally well love and serve his country, even under the Septennate, while at the same time professing republican opinions. The Marquis is candidate for election to th econseil general of his department, each canton being called upon to name a member, and this means the selection of some 1400 on the 4th October next throughout all France. These local elections are but the overture to the general elections—which cannot be much longer delayed—and will be, though under other circumstances they ought not to be, a test of political strength. In Corsica, this contest will be important, as the divisions in the Bonapartiet family will be there recorded for the first time in public. Prince Jerome Napoleon is at present heir to the Prince Imperial; but the latter and his mamma dislike their cousin, who has all the restlessness of superior intelligence, and wish to supplant him by another cousin, Prince Charles, whose submission is above suspicion, and his intellectual abilities in no way troublesome. Prince Jerome, in his short and temperate address to the electors, asserts he is the most loyal friend of the Napoleon dynasty, since he desires to rid the Prince Imperial of the same advisers who urged his father to declare war against Germany, thus losing his throne as a consequence. The Comte de Chambord has entered on his 55th year, which may account for the discussion raised as lo Via heir, the child of miracle having no faiu.iy. It cannot be palatable to the Comte de Paris to learn that he is only an outsider in this question of the succession, the Due de Parma and Don Carlos having superior rights; the former being first, not only in point of law, but in matter of affection among the liegemen of Henri V. The mantle of the latter may likely fall on his nephew the Due de Parma, if Henri V. so wills it, ,and Don Carlos be contented with Spain, although Philippe V. renounced by the Treaty of Ctrecht all claims to the crown of France. But treaties nowadays, independent of those a century and a half old, are very little respected, and a coach and six may be driven through them, if a Power be only strong enough to do so. The Comte de Chambord has not written any letter on this Esau and Jacob dispute, and he owes some explanation to the Comte de Paris, who sunk all his political capital twelve months ago in the “ fusion ” speculation, but which has since been wound up. In France the “Almanac” is a powerful source of propagandise!, and there is quite a

rush for every citizen almost to supply this want, as was the weakness to found a journal before the state of siege was discovered to be a capital weapon against the press, as well as the German invasion. The Orleanists are first in the field with their Almanack Frangais, which is simply a political pamphlet, glorifying the reign of LouiaPhillippe, and touching upon passing events. It is specially distasteful to the Imperialists, who attack it without mercy, because, among other engravings it has one, where the king announces to his “astonished ministers” that he has pardoned Prince Louis Napoleon for his Strasbourg exploit. There are etchings also illustrating the various sons of Louis-Philippe beiug foremost in several Algerian battles, which will be a surprise for many—Bazaine, for example, who ranks his late judge, the Ducd’Aumale, no higher than a carpet knight. Of course M. Thiers is roughly handled, and his downfall is attributed to his political misconduct—perhaps the liberation of France included. It is generally believed that the royalists overthrew Thiers because he leaned to republicanism; the Bonapartists aided in the work, and the majority—the true execution party—was composed of republican defections. Marshal Macmahon is incensed, of course : he is the bulwark against “ Radicalism,” doubtless as impersonated by his predecessor ; and so long as he can keep the Assembly clear of Radicals, which is synonymous with Republicans, there is no fear of France. Qambetta is let down gently : he is pitied because he is regarded as an hostage in advance by the Commune of the future. Actsen. it is pi* dieted, will be devoured by his hounds. The Imperialists promise reprisals when their almanacs shall bo published. Brother Peachum, we are both in the wrong. The world-famed Mile. Dejazet, aged seventy-six, has had all the honors rendered to her years and talents, that the theatre and an admiring public could effect. The most wonderful part of this monster benefit was the bringing of it to a successful conclusion, and where the artistes of the first theatres mingled with those of the fifth class. All the kings, or what is more astonishing, all the “ queens” wished to abdicate their rights or their pretentions, and in-so grouping around the old actress, Yirginie Dejazet, they have played their best roles, that of the heart. The programme was not exhausted till two in the morning, as each popular artiste appeared in their choicest role, and best known costume. Mme Carvalho could not sing, but she brought flowers, and took up her position in the apotheosis scene of Dejazet, where she bid adieu to public life. Tamberlick came express to Paris to contribute a marvellous nt with Faure and Belval in the trio from “ Guillaume Tell.” Dejazet herself appeared as Garat, and sang B6rang6rs ballad of “Lissette,” in both of which the relics of the great comedienne and singer could be traced. What also contributed to her renown is her youthful expression, although she has been on the stage since 1803, when she made her debut at the age of five years, She never knew what it was to be growing old ; one counted her lustres, but her teeth denied the addition ; you guessed her age. She dashed off a drinking song, and she laughed at those who supposed she had more than twenty years that were hers eternally, while ordinary human creatures have them only once during twenty-four hours. “ What age was Dejazet really ?” demanded a gentleman from a journalist as they were leaving the fete. “ She will soon have twenty years , for the fourth time,” was the reply. The prettiest actresses in Paris were seated before temporary stalls in the green room, selling plaster medallions of Dejazet, this was not the least humorous part of the ceremony, as rich bankers were caught and compelled to give their I O D when they had no money about them. The total subscriptions will exceed 75,000 fr, The Queen of Spain was present, and her son the Prince of the Asturias, a promising and intelligent boy, aged seventeen, looking every inch a king. “ The achievements of M. de Lesseps,” observes the Pall funll Gazette , “ have emboldened other engineers to form projects which, if carried out, would rival, in boldness at least, the undertaking to which he owes his fame. One Frenchman has a scheme for letting the water of the Mediterranean into the low lands south of the colony of Algeria; another, Dr Blaudet, proposes by similar means to create a sea in Palestine, This plan is curious enough to deserve notice and explanation. The ghor, or valley of the Jordan, is, it is well known, one of the deepest depressions existing in the earth’s surface. The level of Lake Houleh (the waters of Mirom), the first lake formed by the Jordan, is about even with that of the sea ; the next, the sea of Tiberius, lies between 200 ft and 300 ft below the level of the sea, and the Dead Sea into which the Jordan flows is between 200 ft and 300 ft below that again. Dr Blaudet, then, proposes to cut a canal, the mouth of which should be near Kaifa, at the foot of Mount Carmel, through the plain of Esdraleon, and thus convey the waters of the Mediterranean into the ghor. That valley would then become a long sea, ending in the Dead Sea, from which Dr Blaudet thinks it would then be possible to cut a canal through Wady-el-Araba into the Red Sea, and thus connect the latter with the Mediterranean, An objection to this ingenious scheme lies in the fact that it is of little practical value, the Suez route being by far the shortest, and consequently the cheapest.”