THE CESSION OF FIJI.

Globe, Volume II, Issue 141, 14 November 1874, Page 3

THE CESSION OF FIJI.

The Argus sent a special correspondent to Levuka along with Sir Hercules Robinson, and we are thus enabled to be auditors of the discussion which preceded the cession of the Fijian Archipelago to the Queen. Cakobau met Sir Hercules on board the I)ido, and this is what transpired ; His Excellency ; The English Government have received the offer of cession made through the commissioners, Commodore Goodenough and Mr Layard ; but in i?onsequence of the conditions attached to the offer it cannot be accepted. The Queen cannot, having regard to her desire effectually to provide for the well-being of the Fiji people, and also to her dignity, accept a cession so offered; Her Majesty’s Government can only accept an unconditional cession, so that they may be left free to govern the country properly. The conditions attached to the proposed cession would have interfered with the proper government of the country.

The King intimated that he understood all that was said.

His Excellency : I am authorised, in the event of an unconditional cession being offered, and the chiefs trusting to the justice and the generosity of the English Government, to accept such a cession and to establish a temporary and provisional Government before I leave these islands. In the event of the King and chiefs placing themselves unreservedly in the power of the English Government, it would be the wish of the Government to deal with the King, chiefs, and people not only equitably, but most liberally. In the event of the King agreeing to annexation, the rights, interests, and claims both of the King and other chiefs will be recognised and maintained by the British Government, as far as is consistent with the British rule and the carrying out of Colonial forms of Government. As regards liabilities, debts, and financial engagements, entered into since 1871, the Queen’s Government would have them carefully scrutinised, and dealt with equitably and according to the principles of justice and sound public policy. Any personal liability of the King would be taken over by the Queen’s Government. As regards titles to laud, whether made by hona fide or fictitious sales, and as regards the King’s pension and other smaller matters, these are all questions that the British Government would look carefully into, and they would be settled on an equitable and liberal basis, You, as King, would be placed in a

position which woulu make it unnecessary to draw upon the people for your seaport, and you would be supported in a way that your rank and position entitled you to. I think I have now explained the general views of the English Government, which, although only prepared to accept an unconditional cession, is ready to actin the way I have specified. It will therefore be only necessary for you to say whether you can make the cession in the only form the Qneen’sGovcniment can accept with a view to the future proper government of the country. It is merely a question of yes or no. If you think you can make the cession in the way proposed, well and good. If not, you have but to say so I should like you to decide whether you wish me to say anything further, that is, as to the course of conduct the British Government would pursue in the event of unconditional cession not being offered. The question for yon to consider is whether you will answer yes or no—unconditional cession or not. If you decide in the negative, I shall then have to arrange what must bo done. If you wish to have the whole case before you I will go on, but I do not want to confuse you by stating too many points at once. Sir Hercules was careful to impress upon the King that it would ill consort with the dignity of the British Crown to accept a cession subject to conditions, and that such conditions as those formerly proposed would render acceptance of an offer difficult, if not impracticable, The Home Government had no desire to undertake the control of the islands. On the contrary, they would very much rather uot enter upon that responsibility, but in the present condition of the country it had become their duty to accept the cession if made upon dignified and reasonable terms, so as to establish order, and secure the maintenance of equal justice as between the native and white population. If the King wanted anything beyond that justice and generosity which was to be expected from ' the Queen’s Government, he had better say so at once, and this negotiation could terminate. The King must trust wholly to the Queen of England, or there was an end of the matter, for there could be no half-measures. Sir Hercules seems almost to have said—

“ If love be love, and love be ours, Faith and unfaith can ne’er be equal powers ;

Trust me all in all, or not at all.” The old King at once apprehended the spirit of the offer, and made cordial response in a similar tone. Replying to the remark that it was not dignified for the Queen of England to accept conditions, he promptly said: “True, true. The Queen is right; it is not chief-like to make conditions. I was always opposed to it, but I was overruled. When the commodore and consul came here they took different ground to that which you have taken. They kept saying, ‘ Tell us what you want,’ and pressing me to do so; hence the conditions attached to the offer of cession. If I give a chief a canoe, and he knows that I expect something from him, I do not say, ‘I give you this canoe on condition of your only sailing it on certain days, or your not letting such and such a man go in it, or your only using a particular kind of rope with it,’ but I give him the canoe right out, and trust to his generosity and good faith to make mo the return which he knows I expect. If I were to attach these conditions he would probably say, ‘ Bother your canoe, I can do very well without it.’ ” This very apt illustration shows that Cakobau fully understood and appreciated the spirit of the negotiation. Replying generally to the Governor’s remarks, the King said ; I am glad to hear all that I have heard, and I am very much gratified at the plain, straightforward way in which the case has been put. It has been built up step by step. There are two things. First, giving the country up to England is merely a matter of a word. All our people obey us, and the greater part of the chiefs will think that what I do is right. Whether I say that word or no is another question, It is matter for consideration * * * * * As to the harsh operation of the English law, peace and rest is what we want. These are our riches. No riches are to be compared with these iu|the opinion of our chiefs. Tumult and disquiet are poverty. Any Fijian chief who refuses to cede cannot have much wisdom. If matters remain as they are, Fiji will become like a piece of driftwood on the sea, to be picked up by the first passer-by. His Excellency : As a rule, when white men settle down in places of this sort, the natives are unable to protect themselves until British rule is established.

The King ; The case is so in Fiji. The whites who have come to Fiji are a bad lot. They are mere stalkers on the beach. The wars here.have been far more the result of the interference of intruders than the fault of the proper inhabitants. His Excellency : As to the land question, I have been surprised to hear that some misapprehension exists as to what might be the intentions of her Majesty’s Government with respect to land. That misapprehension, I am told, has arisen in consequence of the recent discussion in the House of Lords. Aon may be perfectly certain that nothing unjust will be done. What has occurred to me as the fairest way of arranging the matter, I have this morning discovered to be included in the code of laws of the Lau Confederacy, viz., that all lauds which can be shown to have been fairly and honestly acquired by whites shall be secured to them ; that all lands that are now in the actual use or occupation of any chief or tribe, and such land as may bo necessary for the probable future support and maintenance of any chief or tribe, shall be set apart for them; and that all the residue of the land shall go to the Government, not for the personal advantage of her Majesty or the members of any Government, but for the general good, for the purpose of rule and order. The more public land there is, the less necessity for taxation, the less burdensome to the people will be the maintenance of peace, the administration of justice, the building of hospitals and other institutions of public utMity. For such purposes as these, and not for adding to the wealth of the Queen, is it a matter of necessity to have public land. The King : I am very much pleased to hear your sentiments as to the land question, and idxat disputed titles will be finally adjusted. In some cases I fear both sides will sulfur, but it is better that such questions should be set at rest, even at the cost of a little suffering. Of one thing I am afraid, that if we do not cede Fiji, the white stalkers on the beach the cormorants will open their mouths and swallow us np. The white residents are going about influencing the minds of Tui Cakau and other chiefs, so as to prevent annexation, fearing that in case order is established a period may be put to their la vless proceedings. By annexation, the two

races, white and black, will be joined together, and it will be impossible to sever them—lhe “lacing” has come. The Fijians, as a nation, are of an unstable character, and a white man who wishes to get anything out of a Fijian, if he does not succeed in his object to-day, will try again to-morrow, until the Fijian is either worried out or overpersuaded, and gives in. But law will bind us together, and the stronger nation will lend stability to the weaker.

It will have been noticed that some of the replies of the King wore marked by much cleverness and wisdom. The Fijians arc at all times wonderfully ready in debate. On the occasion of Commodore Goodenongh’s first visit to the island, Cakobau was explaining the position of the country as regards Maafu—how the wily Tougan had entered the islands a foreigner, and had gradually by craft aud decision of character forced himself into a position in which he was now actually ousting the natives from their hereditary rights, and establishing himself in sovereign power. The commodore pointed out that this was what took place every day all over the world, and said, “ Look at the hermit crabs on your coral beach; s ; they take the shells of others.” “True,” rapped out Cakobau, “but the hermit crab always takes the empty shell.”

Maafu once very happily hit off the great blot in the Fijian Government —the utter want of proportion between its expenditure and the results achieved. He had come alongside the Dido in his pretty little yacht, the Zarifa, once the pride of Port Jackson. After admiring for some time one of the two enormous guns the Dido carries amidships, he said to Captain Chapman, “ Zarifa too small. Put that on Zarifa, and Zarifa go down ; gun too big.” “ All same poor Fiji,” rejoined Maafu, “ Fiji Government too big— Fiji go down.” When this same chief of Lau was asked by Commodore Goodcnough why he would not send his taxes down to the Government in Lovuka, he gave a pointed answer, not all flattering to the authorities. “ Why should I V he asked. “ 1 live in the windward island. When I cut down a cocoanut tree it floats down to the leeward islands, but like the taxes, do part ever comes back.”