TROUBLE IN NATAL.

Gisborne Times, Volume XXVI, Issue 2078, 2 January 1908, Page 1

TROUBLE IN NATAL.

GOVERNMENT AND NATIVES. Tl-IE REBELLION BOGIE. (By R. IV. Reid, in the “Evening Post.”) Conshlerablo misapprehension scorns to exist concerning the true position <>l' nll'nirs in Natal and Zululand at tlio present timoj more especially with respect to the causes of discontent among the natives and the attitude of Chief Dinizulu towards the British authorities. The terms upon which General Botha, on behalf of tlio Transvaal, agreed to assist Natal, in the event of a native rising, would appear to imply that tlio Natal Government is not altogether guiltness in tlio matter. General. Botha’s conditions for despatching a military force, are that Natal agrees to so change the administration of native affairs as will remove the cause of the present dissatisfaction. This stipulation shows that General Botha is fully alive to tlio dangers of tlio Natal methods, and that ho is intent upon bringing them to a speedy termination. No one in South Africa makes any secret of, or attempts to deny, the existence of discontent among tlio Natal ,110 tiros. The trouble is that the discontent is not minimised; it is exaggerated on every possible occasion.To this piost ludicrous oxti’orffes. 'Before and during the so-called rebellion, what were afterwards proved to ho ridiculous stories were circulated by the Natal Government itself. There are good reasons for helieveing that even the Governor—Sir H. McCalluin—was misled. The rumors afloat now are strangely like those in circulation two years ago; in all probability when they come to he investigated, many will ho found to he equally baseless. On one occasion the Governor cabled to London the information, derived from a Natal magistrate, that the whole of the South African natives wore preparing to rise in rebellion against the British. News such as this could only alarm those who were not familiar with the native races of South Africa. The prospect of them combining for any pur-' pose whatever is exceedingly remote. Not only are the blacks of different descent, hut they also differ in character as in speech. A Zulu, for example. has as much in common with a Hottentot or a Fingo as an Englishman has in common with a Russian or a Turk. In addition, natives of .similiar lineage are frequently divided by ancient intor-tribal animosities. It is the presence of the British in the country that alone prevents the outbreak of hostilities among the less advanced native tribes of South Africa. FRANK CONFESSIONS.

A supplement to the Natal Gazette, published three months after tlio Bambaata trouble had been overcome, gave much curious information that doubtless had due weight with the authorities at Pietermaritzburg. The supplement contains numerous surprisingly frank confessions. Thus one reads that the Natal Governor, in a despatch to Lord Elgin. Secretary of State for tlio Colonies, “refers to the information he had received to the effect that the first outbreak was premature, that the unrest among tlio natives of South Africa was intended to culminate in simultaneous and concerted action.” Two years ago, as at present, the unfortunate Dinizulu was held to be at the bottom of all the mischief. Sir Henj-y McCalluni placed tin’s upon record Tin the same despatch); “All information points to Dinizulu and his supporters being leading spirits in tlio present trouble.” These are clear and definite statements—albeit framed in general terms—and capable, one would expect, of adequate proof. Vet in the very same despatch the Governor lias tlio unexpected admission : “It is possible that this information (concerning Dinizulu) is quite at fault, but, remembering how similar stories wore current on the eve of the Matabelo rebellion, and were not believed in, I considered it my duty to transmit it to you for what it was worth.” Sir H. McGalhim was in a distant part of the Empire at the timo lie alludes to—the eve of the Matabelo rebellion—and in consequoneo the reference to the rumors then current may safely bo considered as having been derived from the Natal Ministers. The Gazette—it is a most illuminating document—fortunately enables the reader to trace to their source many of the rumors which were cabled to London as something more than rumors. Tlio following item probably explains the tidings which wore flashed to all parts of the world that a united rising of all the South African natives against the whites was imminent: “On 4th Juno the Melmoth magistrate wired to the Commandant of Militia: ‘lnformation to hand, which I consider absolutely correct, that tlio whole Zuflu nation is going to rise before the moon is on the wane. Dinizulu has called up tlio Falaza, Mbogodebomou, Felopogati, Railiugweul'a, and Mavadtana regiments, which are being doctored at present. Dinizulu’s message was that all had to arm and wait for the word within the next few days.’” Statements as precise, as this naturally created intense excitement throughout South Africa; indeed, throughout the whole British Empire. Apparently the Natal Government first published the Melmoth telegram as trustworthy information, and, some time afterwards—presumably after the “moon had waned”—made enquiries to discover facts wherewith it might bo justified. Tlio result of the enquiry is set forth in the Gazette with admirable candor. “The many alarming stories which were current were investigated by Mr. Saunders, and he, after paying a visit to Melmoth, came to the conclusion that there was nothing to justify the reports or alarm which occurred there and in Esliowe.” But the rumors by that time had served a purpose. They had compelled the white inhabitants of Natal to acquiesce in the despatch of a powerful punitive expedition to Zuluhiml, with terrible results to the inhabitants and to the country. AN EXPLANATION.

Many people accepting the truth of the old adage that “Where there’s smoke there’s fire,” may ask how it was that this sensational type of rumor gained currency. The same supplement to the Natal Gazette without doubt seems to supply the answer. Therein is the following: ‘-'lt was brought to notice of -Vlini.s--ters-tliat troopers were using their stirrup leathers to impress upon natives the necessity for showing due respect, and for obtaining information. Ministers were unanimously of opinion that this should be put a stop to.” This means that enterprising troopers, longing to secure information for their officers, were permitted

to thrash, ami were in the habit of thrashing, the natives until said natives made a confession sufficient to satisfy the troopers. ft would seem that immunity from the vengeance and the barbarities of the whites lay in the blacks’ fabricating rumors, and ill making them strong, stirring, and sensational. A native interrogated by the wayside, or at his kraal, who was ignorant of plots, and of threatened risings, and was truthful enough to say so, to all appearance, was the man to whom the stirrup leather would he most firmly applied. The Natal police and Natal militia collectively inflicted heavy punishment upon the natives during what is termed “tho rebellion.” There were not fewer than .‘i()00 Zulus killed to five individual —or was it six? —whites. Tlio women and children of whole districts fled for safety.; all tho men, old and young, were either prisoners or had been slaughtered. And for eight months the Natal Government. allowed their dead .enemies to remain tinhiirieil. No natives dared to enter the districts where the dead Zulus lay. On the veldt, out on the hills, by the roadside, were the ghastly spectacles encountered. But tho outcry of indignation from the wiiito population at length became so great that on 15tli February, 1907, a J burial corps was appointed to inter the thousands of decaying bodies. And what of the so-called military operations which were carried on—tho burning of crops, the cannonading and destroying of kraals? An apparently reliable correspondent writing in the Natal Mercury ot 7th December, 1900—six months after “the rebellion” had been stamped out —described the scenes of desolation ho had witnessed in Zululand. Jlo wrote; “Returning via the Mfongosi, where I broke my journey for a few days, I was impressed with a great sense of loneliness. This once populous and wonderfully fertile valley is, so far as the presence of man is concerned, practically as silent as the grave. 1 looked round for tho old landmarks, tho familiar kraals, the cattle, the goats, listened for the calls of women and the songs of young men; none of these oldtime sights anu sounds were in evidence. The kindly hand of Nature is fast enveloping the desolate kraal sites with a green fringe of luxuriant vegetation. A closer inspection of these kraal sites completed the first impression 1 had formed —“absolutely cleared out” —broken lcambas, fused bottles, a round circle of ashes inside tho gaping hearth, and, finally, the cattle kraals, with great yawning, empty grain pits. As regards the actual destruction of property, Tsliaka could not have effected a more sweeping “clean out”; not even a watch hut in the long vista of garden lands had been left.” CONDITION’ OF THE NATIVES. General Botha’s stipulation will, to most minds, establish the fact that the causes of native discontent are deemed capable of being removed by tlio Government. And Natal Ministers seem to be of the same opinion. But they decline to ameliorate the condition of the natives, for the reason that the natives fail to display a proper spirit of obedience. That is the explanation given by the present Premier, Mr. Aloore. The previous Premier, Mr. C. J. Smytne, was equally emphatic and determined. “Before we do anything for the natives,” he said, “we must have perfect obedience. The natives are but children, and tho first duty of children is to obey.” The natives, however, seem to know enough of the white man’s ways to realise the value of agitation as an incentive to the granting of reforms. There are among them educated men who have read history, and are therefore alive to the fact tint “obedience first” is too often the formula of the despot. What are some cf the grievances under which the natives of Natal and Zululand suffer? In the first place, as tho Gazette supplement records, white troopers have been in the habit of assaulting natives who seemingly were without any possible means of legal redress. Many natives have retaliated on whites, and every act of retaliation has been announced to the world as possessing political importance. The manner in which tlio punitive expedition against Bambaata discharged its functions, one can realise, was not likely to create friendly sentiments towards the whites on the part of the native population. With respect fo the older, and less acute, grievances of tho Natal natives, reference may bo made to what has been written and published this year in th> town of Durban. A few months ago the nativo newspaper Llanga Light) contained a remarkable artic.o. by the Rev. J. L. Dube, who is an ordained clergyman, and a full-blooded Zulu. After alluding to tho great discrepancy of casualties in the “rebellion”—3ooo to o—Mr.0 —Mr. ‘Dube described the present position of tho natives of Natal and Zululand. The white man’s Angel of Justice, he said, was not always blindfolded; only one eye is covered, and the oilier glares jealously at the black man. Tho natives were heavily taxed, but had nothing to say in the Government’, had no honorable office, were not permitted to he tried by a jury of their countrymen. A native could not -leave lii6 home, could not drive a sheep, an ox, or a horse away from his kraal, without first obtaining official permission to do so. If employed in a town lie must not he out of doors between the hours of 9 at night and 5 in the morning. Infringing the law meant severe punishment for tho natives*—fine, imprisonment, or the lash —it might be all three. Nor was a Zulu permitted to buy land in his own country (Zuluhind)) no matter how long he had cultivated the same. The authorities punished the blacks for doing exactly what the whites did. Thus, according to the Zulu clergyman, when the natives of Mapumulo convened a public meeting, and thereat discussed the poll-tax, the Government afterwards characterised the proceedings “a rebellious demonstration,” and fined the occupants of the neighboring kraals 3000 head of catflc, irrespective of whether said occupants had been at ihe meeting or sitting quietly at home. Furthoi —and the fact* is not generally known —the Natal Government compels the natives to give, a certain period of labor yearly, and pays for the same a rate equal to half of what tlio natives receive on farms, anil scarcely equal to a fourth of what they can earn on the Briefly, it would appear that the Natal Government desires to treat the natives to-day in much the same manner as Dutch roor-trekkers, and as the English pioneers treated them, at a time when the Zulus were a race of naked, but brave and warlike savages. Dinizulu, it must not be overlooked, is of the Royal House of Zululand, and is the principal descendant of Tsliaka, Upancla, and Cetywayo. In the eyes of the Zulus he is their king. His power over the natives is greater thin that of the Governor of Natal. The Natal Minister complains, of this; they know that one word from Dinizulu would

sot ablaze the fires of rebellion in earnest. Therefore, they have apparently decided to keep him under strict surveillance, and away from tin* national, historic kraal of the Osutu. What the legal aspect of this action of the Natal Government may be remains to be seen, for Dinizulu, who is fairly wealthy, educated, and highly intelligent, is not likely to accept* injustice meekly. To the present he seems to have been largely the victim of circumstances.