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The Gisborne Times PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1907.

In matters appertaining to government as in all, or mostly all, other mundane things, theory and practice are very frequently at variance,and it is probably for this reason that the definite date (1908) fixed by the Conadian Parliament for bringing into operation the limitation of the preferential tariff in favor of British goods, has been enlarged subject to the mandate of tho Govornor-in-Council. Theoretically it is a fine thing to talk of tho kinship of all members of he British race, and tho setting up) of snch Anglo-Colonial conditions of trade as would holi) to confine con-, sumption of foreign-manufactured goods to foreigners themselves, would be a distinct advantage to tho British manufacturers, and incidentally through them to tho nation. But to put this idea into xiractice is not so easy a matter. It is some years now since Mr Chamberlain introduced to the notice of tho British Parliament the question of an Imperial zollverein and though ho dropped tho name in his later campaign before the defeat of the Balfour Cabinet (x>robably owing to its foreign manufacture), he made the most strenuous efforts to impress upon the people' of Britain the advantages of a protective ring fence round the Empire without much result. Theoretically his scheme was easy and alluring; but iiractically it was quite another thing, for his advocacy of it was met with all the traditions of Ereetrade, and they proved to be impassable barriers. It was no new idea then, for the plan in the main, together with its name, was borrowed from the German movement, then half a century old, which resulted in a Customs Union between all the German States (including Alsace and Lorraine) and Prussia, and built up commercial prosperity after tlie disastrous revolution of 1830. Tho example thus afforded by Germany was a hopeful one, but Britain and her people are not prone to copy the ideas of other nations, and Mr. Chamberlain’s task was a hopeless failure as far as it went to convince the British people that anything bearing the semblance of protection was the correct national iioliey. Britain, in fact, was ready and willing to admit goods but not ideas “made in Germany” and allowed Mr. Chamberlain to retire into iirivate life without tho realisation of his imperialistic hopes for the commercial unification of Great Britain and her colonies. In Germany the Zollverein still exists with Treaty limitations, and as an aid to commercial prosperity it has proved its value; but Britain as a nation is built upon more generous lines apparently, and cannot be induced to make distinctions in the matter of tariff charges between her own people and foreigners'!' Hampered, no doubt, by treaties and honorable understandings, the theoretical advantages arising from the adoi>tion of that plan have to be sacrificed to the disadvantage of the British manufacturer and exporter who is thus brought into undue competition with the foreigner within our own dominions. While the British manufacturer may not compete until the German within the German Em-’ piro on even terms, the German manufacturer may comiiete with him within the British sphere, and yet Britain as a nation is content. Tho same , conditions apply to America with) her

high protootivo tariff, except in such raw materials as sho requires to food hor factories, and yet wo wonder why and how both Amorica and Germany can so successfully compote with British trade in nearly all quarters ol the globe. But British dependencies are proving themselves to ho more Imperialistic than Britain herself, and somo of them nro sotting her tho oxamplo in the proper and legitimate way to regard tho primary law ol self-preservation. Now Zonland has recently adopted tho principle ol a preferential tariff, and Canada as long ago as 1897 made a distinction of 25 per cent, in favor of British goods, since increased to 331 per cent. Npw wo are told that a proposal by Mr. Logan to limit this margin has boon adopted, and the date of its taking effect is to ho fixed by Governor-in-Council instead ol 1908. Whothor the limitation is a hint to the Mother Country that it has not adequately reciprocated wo know not; but if it wore so it is certainly justifiable after nine years of favor without any response. Canada too prosontod a warship to tho British navy, anrl Now Zealand in addition to her I contribution of £40,000 a year, pre- ; sented a boll to tho battleship Now Zealand as a token of her loyalty, yot both countries have to compote with Danish butter under disadvantageous circumstances in the London market, and Argentine mutton is often passed off lor “prime Canteibury” to the English consumer whoso patriotism has never educated him up to the pitch of being able to discern tho difference. When Britain goes to war and accepts tho assistance of her- dependencies to vanquish her onsinios, she feeds her army very largely from American tinned horrors while Now Zealand fat bullocks ar • browsing oii a thousand h'ills and metaphorically calling out “wliu 1. eui us ” and yot Imperialism niaiutai's its standard. It is an immense testimonial for the genuineness of Imperialism.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/GIST19070312.2.8

Bibliographic details

Gisborne Times, Volume XXV, Issue 2027, 12 March 1907, Page 2

Word Count
867

The Gisborne Times PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1907. Gisborne Times, Volume XXV, Issue 2027, 12 March 1907, Page 2

The Gisborne Times PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1907. Gisborne Times, Volume XXV, Issue 2027, 12 March 1907, Page 2

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