The Gisborne Times PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING. GISBORNE, SEPT. 7, 1906.

Gisborne Times, Volume XXIII, Issue 1854, 7 September 1906, Page 2

The Gisborne Times PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING. GISBORNE, SEPT. 7, 1906.

The de'bato on the Financial State* ment h «.s collapsed unexpectedly, and it is perhaps as well that it has, because more time can now be given to the details of tho Statement as they come before the Bouse in tho form of Bills, The only difference will bo that as each item comes up fur discussion members must confine themselves to the subject matter, whereas in debating the Htatement an unlimited raDge of discussion was permissible. It is possible, however, that the limitations sot by the Standing Orders may be further increased by the Government, because the Government is not bound to submit every item contained in the Speech from the Throne, Indeed it has been the practice of late yeais (o give hints and promises in the Speech that it was never intended should bo reduced to the concrete form of Bill?; and one item at least has done duty in this re* spect for many years past until at last it has assumed the character of a decoy duck which members are sportsmanlike enough to refrain fiom shooting at, except to we lcome its appearance as an indication that good sport will follow, and they get their guns ready, but not a Bill appears except that of a «tray Sparrow, or such other fledgelines as f he principal gamekeeper of the' House to appear in the arena. In the absence of the Ijocal Government 811 a fow shots have been expended nn the Sparrow which have merely had the effect of converting her into a species x>£ aquatic monstrosity and removing her from the precincts of the House to wobble on the ripplos of Wellington harbor for the amusement of boys, and where she is at present out of range of Parliamentary pellets. Following the

decoy duck of tho Statement thoro ought in tho ordinary courso of things) to appoar tho usual flock of policy Bills of ditTorent spocios, and tho almost worn out expectations in rogtird to tho Local Govornmont Bill ought certainly to bo rouhsml, but ho far wo have soon odications of iis appoaranco. lutho indications aro that, following no precedents of so many preceding Sessions, it will not follow tho decoy, and mem hors will onco more have to pocket thoir ammunition and depart for tho Exhibition without seeing it. What gives color to this view is that, in addition to provmus experience in regard to it, a lluttoring little thing called tho “ Local Authorities Subsidies Bill ” has flitted down upon tho tablo of tho House, presumably as a. substitute, and lias warbled its little noto of apology for the paront bird. It is reasonably certain, therefore, that tho Local Govornmont Bill will not bo brought down this Session notwithing tho promises made in tho Governor’s Speech, and wo will have to be content as heretofore with patchwork legislation and mazes of amendments in local government law instead of a comprehensive scheme. Why the Government should so long hesitate to formulate such a scheme is past comprehension. It cannot be because tho thing is impossible, and the necessity for it is so urgent that it cannot be much longer delayed. Road Boards, County Councils, Town Boards, and a host of other boards are trying to grapple with the difficulties of supplying moans of transit and other facilities which the expansion of settlement and tho development of the country demand. People are taxing themselves up tq the utmost limits of the law, and every endeavor is being made to make life bearable not only in the backblocks but in settled districts, and even in towns; but these efforts are hampered and progress comparatively crippled by the chaotic condition of our laws relating to local government, and all that session after session of Parliament can bring forth after repeated promises, made only to be in* tontionally brokeD, is this Subsidies Bill which at best is but an embryonic weakling in the shape of a policy measure—a mere apology for what ought to have appeared in its place a decade ago. As we have said, it has warbled its little note, and we are expected to infer from its puny squeak that adequate assistance is at hand, and that henceforth the back block settler can drive his motor car at break-neck speed to the nearest market without getting stuck in the mud any more, and that floods will no longer prove an obstacle where bridges ought to be, because bridges can be built in sections like our railways during an interminable series of years. Now all this and more is to be done according to the Bill on the understanding that the Colonial Treasurer will pay annually out of the Consolidated Fund a sum not exceeding £IOO,OOO by way of subsidies to “ local authorities,” which include County and Borough Councils, and Road Boards; but the Colonial Treasurer is not compelled to pay out more than a fivepound note if he feels so inclined, and he cannot pay to all the Counties more than £85,000 in any-one year, or more than £2OOO to any one County ia one year. Similarly he is limited to payments to Boroughs to a total of £15,000, and to £350 in each distributive payment. The Road Boards and Town Boards have to take pot luck with the respective Counties in which they are included on the basis of the average rates collected (not levied) in each case. But Boroughs that have a total rateable capital value of over five million pounds are not to get any sub ■ sidy, nor will Counties be subs’dised on the first farthing in the £ of rates collected if the total rates collected in the area including town and road districts within their boundaries amount to over £6OOO for the year. What is to become of Road Boards and Town Boards that aro not included in County boundaries, if there are any such, the Bill does not say. All this is very nice and alluring ; but it will be noticed that the Bill is in the form of a promissary note, the amount of which has to be filled in by the gentleman who has to pay it when it becomes due, that is, the Colonial Treasurer, and if he can spare a few pounds after paying £7OOO for an unnecessary postoffice, £6OOO to somebody’s widow, £20,000 or £30,000 for an Exhibit : on, £50,000 or £60,000 in increased salaries to highly-paid officials and extra clerks, £15,000 for a statue somewhere, £L5,000 for a Land Commission, £500,000 for a tunnel where a railway should never have been contemplated, £IO,OOO or £20,000 for enlarging and furnishing Ministerial residences with billiard tables and other luxuries, and a host of other things which memory cannot recall at the moment—if he can spare a fivepound note after paying for such things it is possible that the “local authorities ” may taste his liberality also. But what strikes one as most important of all is the fact that, assuming the whole £IOO,OOO to be available (which it is absolutely certain I will not be the case), of what earthly benefit can it be in the construction of the new works or the building of necessary bridges when it is distributed in small handfuls over the whole colony ? It mayjsuffice to fill in a rut here and there with a cart load of river gravel; but to secure a safe journey for the backblock motor ear with it will be a stern impossibility. The Bill has its merits nevertheless, for it will enable the Treasurer to say to importunate deputations, “ I have given you your promissary note. I will honor it when it falls due. You an not ask for more. Go.” That’s business. “ Political business ” did you say ? Well, yes, political business,