PREFERENTIAL TARIFF.

Gisborne Times, Volume IX, Issue 923, 23 June 1903, Page 4

PREFERENTIAL TARIFF.

MR CHAMBERLAIN’S REMARKS,

By Telegraph—Press Association—Copyright

London, June 21

Mr Chamberlain, speaking at the Corona Club, said : " While profoundly conscious of the magnitude of the difficulty of our Imperial task I am confident wo aro equal to the work of carrying a triumphant issue to our ideals.” Ho said the Colonial Secretary should visit during his term of office every colony, protectorate, and possession. Concluding, he expressed a hope that if ho failed himself his successor would make the project good.

DESPATCH BY SAN FRANCISCO MAIL.

(fee R.M.S. VenUira at Auckland.) BAM FRAN CISCO, June 1. A despatch from London, dated May 28, says ... Mr Chamberlain, speaking in the preferential trade debate, .iaid that all the critics of his position had fallen into error in supposing that an absolute reversal of England's fiscal policy was involved. Nothing of the kind had been proposed. Everything ■depended on the definition of freeliade. If Cobden’s defiuitiou “to bring about a free interenange of commodities at their natural prices was accepted, neither he nor any member of the Government sought to depart therefrom. Although nothing now suggested was in the nature of a reversal of Urcai. Britain’s fiscal policy,, it was certain a mandate must he given to the Government if the suggestions lie had thrown out were to he carried into elTcet. lie would do his utmost to bring the question in its hearings before the people. Thus far lie had only raised a principle and had no j formulated a plan. If there was to he no change m the fiscal policy of the country they would have to give up the hope of closer fiscal relations with the colonics. If the Government received a mandate, it would formulate a plan lie would call another Colonial Conference, but he could not negotiate with the colonies before the people had given the Government a mandate. Everything would depend on wiiat. this country had to oiler. In the first place, he must learn from every manufacturing district what articles in those districts could be largely sold H there were preferential rates in the colonies, what Great Britain should have to give was preference on great colonial products rrhat preference would have to he in raw materials and food, or both. If was undesirable to tax raw material, because Great Britain would be required to give drawbacks on finished'articles, which was a complicated system. Tie preferred tne simple method of taxing food. The working-man’s dislike to taxes on food had no terrors for him. He was prepared to go into the homes of the laboring men and argue the subject with them. He would give them a table showing bow much bread and beer they used and exactly how much duty they will haveto pay if thia policy were carried out. Ho would also give them a table showing how much extra wages they would be required to earn. If the Opposition were able to show that it meant greater cost of living with no increase in wages, their optimism would be justified, but if he was able to show a greater increase of wages than the loss on food, then. Bald he, “ I think I should have a chance. It was inevitable if preferential duties were levied that a tax be placed on foodstuffs. As the working olasses would pay three-quarters of such a tax, it was only fair that this money and one-quarter paid by the rich should be applied to social reforms like Old Age Pensions. Such a tax was not protective in its intention, but incidentally would be protective. Ho said to the working-man “ Not only do you get back in benefits the whole sum you pay, but also what is paid by the richer classes. In addition to that you receive higher wages, and it will bo possible to press forward other social reforms which at present are unpraotioable for lack of money.” . , He admitted that the grain tax had incidentally protected the farmer. If food was taxed in the future it would not be an unmixed evil, because it would help tho depressed industry of agriculture and increase Great Britain’s supply of food. More than that, it would enable her to deal with Germany in defence of Canada. “We should not.” he said “ enter on a war of tariffs, but I would say to Germany, * I am afraid if you cannot meet us in this matter, we may be compelled to put a duty on.’ ” Repeated representations had boon inado to Germany in regard to Canada, but he did not soe what Germany could do to meet British views until Great Britain was in a position to touch the pocket of tho German people. " Is it not also conceivable,” he asked, “that Groat Britain will have to defend her trade against unjust competition such as that of the trusts of America and the Continent? At present Great Britain is th© only op©D market of th© worldj and therefore a general dumping ground. If dull trade comes tho trußth will flood our markets, and the markets in which we compete with iron and steel, at such prices that we cannot meet. If that happens nothing will prevent the people from putting on a duty to protect our staple industry.” Mr Chamboriain concluded with an emphatic assertion that he intended to press the matter on public attention. After some further discussion the House adjourned until June Bth.