AN ANGLO-SAXON PROBLEM.

Gisborne Times, Volume VIII, Issue 525, 23 September 1902, Page 3

AN ANGLO-SAXON PROBLEM.

Trade rivalries apart, the political in terests of the two Anglo-Saxon Powers uro ultimately so identical that all British States aro most deeply interested in overy great problem which confronts the external policy of the United States. Between ourselves, wo may dispute and bicker, but neithor of us could now stand idly by and see the other overwhelmed by a European coalition. Yet the drift of events in Central and South America is making for a gigantic strugglo in which the United States will have to oxort its every energy if; the Monroe Doctrine is to be maintained.; This morning, as almcst overy mornihg, our cable messages inform us of new phases in that political anarchy which dominates the greator part of Latiu America. This political anarohy in itself might concern us very little wore it not for its destructive influence upon commerce and industry. These commorial and industrial interests aro largely European. The inevitable effect is to bring these revolutionary States into continual conflict with European Powors, eager for colonies, shut out from the greater part of the world through preoccupation by other world-powers, and perpetually irritated at the to thorn unreasonable protection which the United Statos accords to theao preposterous Governments. Today, Hayti is violently anti-German betause of the destruction by a German warship of a revolutionary gunboat which seized arms from a Gorman meich ant vossel. To-day, Venezuela is excited ovor the allegation that its revolutionists aro intriguing with European capitalists To-day, Columbia is so disturbed that the W ashington Government has boen compelled to take •iction in defeuco of the Panama traffic. Every day there is some now development, which would bo startling were we not so accustomed to the lawlessness of these wretchod States. Were it not for the Monroo Doctrine, these people who are obviously so unfit to govern themselves would be governed by some strong European occupation. But the Monroe Doctrine has been nailed to the American masthead and is defendedby eighty million Englishspeaking poople. To understand the situation —which may involve British and Americans together in a war which can only bo comparable to tho Nipoleonic strugglo upon broader lines—it ii imperatively necessary to understand that modern civilisation is based upon the understanding that within certain well-defined limits trade, oommerco and industry ate trie. One country may levy duties against impots from another ; it may even limit imm graiion fromnnother ; but if it once admits foreijn goods, if it once admits tho foreigner, it muit pioteot foreign goods and foreign persons irom lawless attack and from lawless interference with other legitimate avocations. No country is civilised which does not accept this principle or which fails to enforce this principle. Civilisation is an entity in so fa: as it agrees, whether tacitly or by treaty, to maintain what we oall Law, to stamp out lawlessness wherever possible, to make the sea and the land safa to the traveller as to the resident, for property as for life. Of this there can be no possible question. Yet in many parts of Central and douth America civilisation is deli .d, Law is ignored aud thoro is little protection for the merchant, tho planter, the industrialist excepting that whioh is accorded to him by the naval forces of nis country. It is another Barbary, modified by foreign cannon. And it is enabled to be so for nooth-.r reason than that the United States refuses to allow further European occupation on either of the American continents. The British peoples occupy in this question a peculiar position. All thetr instiects are for law and against Anarchy. They would rather s e Venezuela under the hands of the Germans than wrecked by bandit-revolu Ironists. They would rather sea Franc . in control of Central America than know that one of the fairest and most fruitful regions of the world is made comparatively worthless by nongovernment. But in spite of the Vciiezeulan embroglio. in which a democratic President most needlessly and unfairly interfered against our legitimate interests, we have no national objection to the Monroe Doctrine, if our American kinsmen will only interpret it sensibly. And when we say sensibly we do not mean by cediDg anything whatever to Eqrojean schemes of colanisa-

| t on, but by hono3tly and honorably setting J themselves to asseri. that Law tho flagrant j and perpetual violation of which gives European Powers fair cause for conquest and occupation. Either tne Washington Government should police the anarchic States of Latin America—respecting the independence of those only which are reasonably law-abid-ing—as we police India, or it should stand aside and let some other country undertake the work. Things cannot possibly go on ae they are going. Sooner or later, if this incessant trouble continues, the mutual irritations of Germany and America will bring about a ruptura and a European coalition may be found to fight for Germany when it shrank from fighting for Spain. Whatever the British peoples may think of tho cause of the ill-feeling tuey cannot possibly have any option in such a division, the less so cs the partners in such a coalition would find pa} * merit m aggieasion upon British interest? elsewhere. We should have to go wi.h America and to share with her the risks and dangers of an unprecedented conflict. Bo that we have very Rood reason for viewing with aiurru th« Latin American problem and for most devoutly wishing that our American friends would talk less of their dangerous poduea! theory and act more practically i*y nsioting that civilised condition* should be established wherever protection against invasion is given by the American ting.