A Government Surprise.

Gisborne Times, Volume VII, Issue 382, 5 April 1902, Page 4

A Government Surprise.

THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY

FUTURE POSSIBILITIES. LONDON, Feb. 15. Three days ago the British Government sprang upon this country, and indeed upon the whole world, perhaps the most genuine and tremendous surprise of the present generation. This consisted in the publication of a new treaty which had been signed between Great Britain and Japan on the 30th ult., and which virtually amounts as has been asserted and indeed admitted, to a “ defensive-offen-sive ” alliance between the two “ Island Empires.” I may point out that there is a slight distinction between this way of putting it and the customary form, ” offensive and defensive

alliance. The distinction may seem merely verbal, but anyone who takes the trouble to think the matter out will recognise that it is by no means a 11 distinction without a difference. ”

The crux of the whole treaty is in Article 3, which is so all-important that T give it in extenso. It runs as follows “If in the above event any Power or Powers shall join in hostilities against their ally the other high contracting party will come to its assistance, and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.” It will be remembered that a few weeks back the Marquis Ito, the “ Grand Old Man” ol Japan, paid a visit to this country and to various European states, it being stated that his tour was purely one of pleasure. It has since become manifest that in the inspired language of an Hibernian speaker, “ Half the lies that people tell isn’t true,” and that the object of his journey, which has also become its result, is the historic achievement of this understanding, whose potential influence in the future it seems impossible to over-rate. So far as probabilities go it appears likely that this Anglo-Japanese Treaty will constitute a landmark in the world’s history, and will go down to posterity as the supreme achievement of Lord Salisbury on the one hand and the Marquis Ito on the other. It must be confessed that the news was received at first with a good deal of reserve. English people are not fond ot alliances. A “ friendly / under,standimg with Japan as to affairs m the Far Last had long been advocated, and this everyone was prepared to approve. But this new alliance did at first appear to join more of the possible “ offensive with the justifiable “ defensive ” than many thoughtful Englishmen were quite ready to accept without a good deal ot hesitancy Nobody desires that this new British alliance with the youngest and most progressive of Oriental nations should be Haunted even in appearance as a menace to Russia or Germany. Yet some critics found it difficult to see how otherwise it could be regarded at St. Petersburg and Berlin. AVas it meant, they asked, as a counter-check to Russia’s rather unfriendly commercial policy in Manchuria, or toiler insidious advances towards the Persian Gulf, or to her suspected tampering with the Afghans, or as a “ retort courteous to Germany’s persistent Anglophobia . Or was it designed to draw off public attention from the announcement made just previously, that Wei-hai-wei is to be abandoned as a fortress and naval s ation —as a cheek to Russia at Port Arthurand retained only as a “second-class watering-place ” and sanatorium for Hongkong? These are the questions many people are asking. The new departure as to Japan is watched with some degree of disquiet. Long it has been felt and said that a good understanding with Japan was eminently desirable with reference to the Chinese question and to various threatened Russian and German aggressions. But it was hardly anticipated that all in a moment we should find committed to a regular “ defensive-offensive alliance with Japan, qualified merely by the proviso that naval and military aid is only to be given by one Power to the other in cases of an attack of two other Powers. It is a very serious step, and as yet we do not quite know wliat to make of it. We simply hope for the best. Still, where foreign affairs _ are concerned a widespread and justifiable confidence is felt in Lord Salisbury s unequalled experience and proved wisdom in dealing with such matters. Every thoughtful and fair-minded person recognises the vast services the veteran Premier has done to his country in warding off foreign interference in South Africa, and in securing the abstention _of certain Powers from proceedings by which they might very seriously have embarrassed us and hampered our hands while involved in our South African troubles. It is felt that if this new treaty be all that it seems, and if it do not prove to be capable of mischievous misuse or misconstruction, it should prove a most potent weapon in checking foreign aggression in the East, and a powerful factor in the maintenance of the world’s peace. Lord Lansdowne in his covering despatch says:—“This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events which have taken place during the last two years in the Far East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications which arose in China consequent upon tfie outbreak and the attack upon the Pekin Legation the two Powers have been in close aud uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated by similar views. We have each of us desired that the integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be preserved, that there should be no disturbance pf the territorial status quo, either in China or in the adjoining regions, to which it applies, it has been concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked, should occasion arise, in the defence, of important British interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the legitimate interests of other Powers. On the contrary, that part of it which renders either of the high contracting parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance can operate only when one of the allies has found himself obliged to go to war in defence of interests which are common to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defeoce, he finds himself threatened, not by a siugle Power, but by a hostile coalition.” Now that there has been time to grasp more fully the purport of the new departure there is an overwhelming weight of

opinion in its favor. One journal says : —■ Everywhere it is thought that the agreement will enhance the prestige of Great Britain, while it will probably check the conclusion of the Manchurian Treaty. In China and Japan its announcement has caused keen pleasure, and generally too in this country it is thought that it will produce a good effect on our diplomatic relations.” As to the feeling in the Parliamentary lobbies one London paper says : —“ The keenest interest has been felt by the publication of the terms of Lord Lansdowne’s Treaty with Japan. It is on all hands accepted as the inevitable outcome of the manifest dictatorship of Russia in Far Eastern politics, and its object is admittedly to check Russian aggression in the interior of China. In the lobby of the House of Commons the reception was, on the whole, good, but there were one or two discordant notes. In Liberal opinion

the new move will tend to weaken our position in China, but it is stated on alleged authority that the treaty was not projected without a friendly understanding with China being first sought and obtained.” The Treaty is regarded as a triumph for Lord Rosebery, whose policy in the Far East it carries into effect. Sir William Harcourt and Sir Henry Camp-bell-Bannerman do not like the risks involved in such obviously exclusive dealing. The principle of the bargain, “If you defend us in Korea we will fight for you in China,” is a principle repugnant to these gentlemen.—N.Z. Herald,