The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1939. N.Z.'S WAR EFFORT

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20079, 27 October 1939, Page 6

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1939. N.Z.'S WAR EFFORT

People in New Zealand, like those in other countries, have been wont, to remark that "this is a funny war," and there is little doubt that they have more than the general justification for this view. In all quarters and among all classes there has been evidence of a genuine desire to co-operate with the Government in tho Dominion's war effort, but so far they have been given little or no opportunity to do so. On the contrary, it would seem as if the people are expected to display blind and abject subservience to dictation and bureaucratic control which is interfering more and more in their everyday lives. If this policy is continued there is a danger that what is now only a sense of frustration will

develop into a feeling of futility and even antagonism. The position is that the country is involved in a war that may last for years and this situation should provide scope for the voluntary activities of all sections, but there is a feeling in»the community that voluntary service is not required. In the last war New Zealand had a wonderful record for its contributions to patriotic funds, but on this occasion the latent generosity of the public seems to be officially stifled. Worse than that, it has been left to voluntary women workers in Sydney to provide comforts for New Zealand soldiers.

Insofar as actual military preparations are concerned,, the Government has probably done ns much as could be expected in view of the fact that before the outbreak of war totally inadequate provision had been made for defence. In the economic sphere, however, there seems 'to have been nothing but the sort of muddlement that found expression in the unnecessary petrol restrictions which so disrupted one of the largest industries in the Dominion. No practical effort has yet been made to obtain the most efficient use of the available manpower. On the one side there is a serious shortage of farm labour which is hampering the vital primary industries and leading to a reduction of production. On the other there are more than 21,000 men employed on unproductive public works, 12,000 on relief works, and more than 8000 receiving unemployment benefits, while the number of unemployed is being increased almost daily as a result of the import control policy. The men for the military forces, at the same time, are largely being drawn from the ranks of the farm workers, the one sphere where there is a real shortage of labour. It is true that a council has been set up to consider what men can be spared from industry for military service, but no action has been taken, as in other part; of the Empire, to decree what men shall be trained for the fighting forces.

In the meantime, the socialisation and regimentation of industry proceeds apace, and on all sides there is ample evidence of the muddling that is inevitably associated with inexpert bureaucrats. Further import restrictions at a time when there is an imperative need for an expansion of trade are dislocating secondary and distributing industries and making it impossible for them to plan ahead. Primary industries have all been conscripted to the service of the Empire. This policy is understandable and excusable, but the administration of it has been deplorable. The men connected with the industry and with a life-time of experience of its ramifications have been largely ignored and are expected to submit to the domination of politicians and civil servants. The dairy farmer is expected to produce at a loss and, at the same time, to pay higher costs in order that men on unproductive work should receive increases in wages. The men engaged in the wool industry are asked, notmerely to assist in a crisis, but, in effect, to submit to nationalisation for all time. In this and every other respect it would seem that everything else is being subordinated to the fetish of State control or socialisation. The correct policy in such a time is that enunciated on behalf of the British Labour Party in the House of Commons, that it is preferable for industrialists and manufacturers themselves to organise for a maximum war effort rather than civil servants.

This uncertainty in regard to industry is unsettling to the nation and must handicap the effort which all sections desire to make. Even more disturbing, however, is the lack of information regarding the Government’s financial plans. Here, too, there is a willingness to co-operate, but how can the public co-operate when it knows nothing of what is contemplated? It has been stated tiiat the annual cost of New Zealand’s contribution towards the war will be between £20,000,000 and £20,000.000. The provision of this amount will obviously entail heavy sacrifice, but the public will not shirk it if the facts are placed fully and frankly before them. All that they know so far is that some comparatively small increases have been made in taxation, but what they want to know is what they will have to face in the future. It is clear that the inflationary process of recent years has been accelerated and this of itself gives ground for grave concern. Long before the war the finances of the Dominion were in a serious position and declining production and diminishing returns from taxation must make the situation far more acute. In effect, New Zealand is fac-

ing a double crisis and it can only be overcome by a maximum effort and the whole-hearted support of all sections of the community. This, in turn, can only be secured if the people are taken fully into the confidence of the Government, told exactly what they have to face, and then, insofar as war -conditions permit, left alone to face it with the resourcefulness and determination that have made the country what it is.