The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, SATURDAY, AUG. 26, 1939. FINAL CALLS TO REASON

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20026, 26 August 1939, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, SATURDAY, AUG. 26, 1939. FINAL CALLS TO REASON

It may, or it may not, be true that, prior 'to the outbreak of the Great War, Germany misled herself into the belief that Britain would not, in any circumstances, oppose her wicked plan to smash her way to dominance in Europe. In any case, Germany has received, on this occasion, ample warning as to Britain’s attitude in respect of the peril which faces Europe today. What may be recalled is that, on the eve of the Great War, Germany had the temerity to invite Britain not to take exception to her decision to dishonour the pledge which she had given (in common with Britain and France) never to violate Belgium’s neutrality. Her brutal frankness —she referred to the Belgium treaty as being merely “a scrap of paper”—she has never lived down and, what is more regrettable, she has, during the past few months, not been ashamed to perpetrate other infamous misdeeds which will go down in history as counterparts.' That it was a tragedy that Britain did not take a much firmer stand before Germany violated Belgium’s neutrality in August, 1914, was a theme taken up by a number of writers on the Great War. In effect, what they said was that, if Britain had not delayed in warning Germany that her ignoble plan of action would (if persisted jn) force her also into the struggle, the Great War might never have taken place. Germany’s fateful decision on the momentous issue in regard to Poland may be taken by the historians of the future as in no small measure settling the moot point. It is, however, abundantly plain that, at every stage of the deterioration of the situation between Germany and Poland, Britain, in no uncertain terms, warned Germany that, if she •did embark upon a war of aggression against Poland, she. in turn, would be attacked. The solemn warning which Mr. Chamberlain repeated in the blouse of Commons this week allowed of no misinterpretation. “If the necessity should arise,” he said, “Britain is resolved and prepared to employ without delay all the forces at her command in support of Poland.” How different was the position on the eve of the Great War! Twenty-five years ago, the statesmen of Britain did not seem to realise that a war in which all the major nations of the world, as well as most of the smaller ones, would be involved was possible. Britain, at that time, was not committed to help friendly France even against an aggressor. Her only commitment of any consequence was the pledge i

which she had given, in conjunction with Germany and France, to see to it that Belgium's neutrality was respected. When it did become clear to Britain that her honour would be at stake if Germany invaded Belgium, she appealed to Germany to stay her hand, but alas! without avail, for Germany was determined to go on. In all the circumstances, it was by no means surprising that, as the crisis developed over the Polish situation, the dread that history might repeat itself as far as Germany’s attitude was concerned quickly became widespread. Nothing could have impressed the world’s peace-loving nations more, in recent weeks, than Britain’s fairness as well as her firmness and outspokenness. Time after time, it was made clear to Germany that her dispute with Poland was not of a character that would justify resort to war. It was also stressed over and over again by Britain that she was anxious to do everything in her power to prevent such a catastrophe. Britain, in quite kindly language, informed Germany that, if she would agree to a roundtable discussion on the dispute, all that she would ask of her was that she should first of all lend a hand in creating an atmosphere of goodwill, in order to ensure that the negotiations might not fail. This offer should have been accepted without hesitancy, but Herr Hitler, when it was placed before him again this week, made a reply which was tantamount to telling Britain that, “if she chose to interfere, the blame for the ensuing conflict would be hers.” In such a trying time, it must, indeed, have been gratifying to Mr. Chamberlain to know that he had a thoroughly united Britain at his back and that the Dominions had also approved of the stand which his Government had taken. What must also have been very comforting to him was that President Roosevelt, His Holiness the Pope and King Leopold all supported his calm and reasoned warning to Germany that, if she were to precipitate a war over the Polish dispute, it would be a crime of the greatest magnitude against mankind.