The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, WEDNESDAY, AUG. 23, 1939 THE “WAR. OF NERVES”

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20023, 23 August 1939, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, WEDNESDAY, AUG. 23, 1939 THE “WAR. OF NERVES”

It is unhappily the position that the situation in Europe has deteriorated still further during the past few days and evidence is not lacking that it is now widely regarded as delicate in the extreme. To put the matter in a nutshell, a feeling is abroad that Germany is determined upon a policy of “Smash and Grab" and that, apart from wresting Danzig and the Corridor as prizes, she aims also at the dismemberment of the Polish State. If some commentators should prove to be good judges—and let it be hoped that their gloomy prophecies will be coup may occur at any time. Wfiat should be safer is to be guided by the actions of the British Government, which, it may pe taken for granted, has made up its mind not to be caught napping if it can help it. All that can be set down for certain is that neither Germany nor Poland has, as yet, displayed any inclination to give way. The deadlock is, admittedly, of a dangerous, if not of an explosive, character and if it can be ended the sooner such a happy consummation can be reached the better it will be for the world at and especially Europe. It has been hinted on behalf of Germany that she feels that she has gone so far with her claim that retreat would involve a heavier loss of prestige than she is prepared to suffer. Poland, on the other hand, maintains the plea that, if she were to lose her existing rights in connection with Danzig, her future would, at best, be placed at the mercy of the Reich, even although Germany were to concede her the right of continued access to the Baltic. If Germany could afford convincing proof that she has no ulterior designs so far as Poland is concerned, the tension would, straightaway, be 1 eased. At this critical juncture, it cannot be too strongly re-emphasised that it was mistrust of Germany that led Britain and France to share Poland's fears that Germany's real aims include the disruption of her territory. , If Germany has no such design it is, indeed, significant that she has not succeeded in allaying Poland’s anxieties and in reassuring Britain and France. On the contrary, Germany’s attitude to-day does not differ from that which marked her conduct prior to her earlier bloodless conquests by intimidation. Now that she has taken Slovakia under her wing, she is engaged upon the massing of troops near the Polish borders and in carrying out fresh manoeuvf’es, her intention on this occasion being plainly to frighten the Poles into yielding to her wishes, whilst her mouthpieces in Danzig do not weary in suggesting that the decisive hour is about to strike. Much as Britain and France desire that the peace of Europe shall not be broken over Danzig they are, rightly, not disposed to urge Poland to yield to Germany’s aggressive demands, for they feel that peace so preserved might—and probably would —only be temporary. It is practically certain that, if Germany were to be permitted to browbeat Poland, her thanks would take the form of a demand upon France for the instant return of Alsace and Lorraine and Britain and France would soon be faced with further demands in relation to the colonies of which Germany was deprived after the Great War. The problem of Danzig is one that should be settled as a result of a round-table discussion. If Germany had not proved so lacking in good faith after the historic conference at Munich, Britain assuredly would have been only too happy to sponsor, after consultation

with her, a further conference to deal with the Danzig problems. The position even now should not be regarded as altogether hopeless. So far, the trial of strength— or. as it has been described, ttie “war of nerves”— has amounted only to an attempt on Germany’s part—true it has been on an unprecedented scale —to intimidate Poland and it really says a very great deal for the courage of the Poles that they have not flinched. But, after all, the Poles must have been greatly heartened by the knowledge that both Britain and France will at once go to their aid if they should be attacked. The fact that Poland is not without strong loyal friends would also account for Germany’s hesitancy in precipitating another terrible conflagration. Germany has, unquestionably, been doing a lot of hard thinking as well as a lot of sabre rattling lately. It must be apparent to every reasonable German that Danzig alone is not worth the enormous price in blood find in money which it would cost even if it could be secured. If Germany declines to turn back, it will be clear proof that the complete breaking up of Poland is intended and, in that event, Hungary would soon find herself menaced. Whilst Germany might with confidence have marched into Danzig if Poland had had no allies, surely she must realise that to launch an attack against the Poles in the face of the grave warnings which Britain and France have uttered would be a very different matter. There is still time in which the nations which stand for peace might make a supreme appeal to Germany to pause ere it should prove too late. Already, “feelers” are being extended with that most desirable object in view and it is certain that very appreciable pressure will be exerted in the noble effort to avert a struggle which would be calamitous to Western civilisation.