The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, MONDAY, AUGUST 21, 1939. ANXIETY IN EUROPE

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20021, 21 August 1939, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, MONDAY, AUGUST 21, 1939. ANXIETY IN EUROPE

Europe has survived another week of intense anxiety—just how intense probably only those who are in closest touch with developments are able to appreciate—but it can hardly be said that the news of the week-end indicates any real improvement in the situation. Short of war itself, the position could hardly be more serious than it is to-day, and, however optimistically the outlook might be viewed, the impression obtrudes itself that the world is far too near to war for comfort. Things have gone beyond the stage of isolated alarums and excursions and there are more indications than one that the forces of the world are calmly entrenching themselves in preparation for a conflagration that any spark might start. There is reason for solid satisfaction, however, in the fact that another week has passed without war, for every day saved for peace is not only something actually gained, but, in addition, tends to make war more remote. Every day that now passes means that Germany’s opportunities for starting war are being diminished, and if the present position of uncertainty—nerve-racking though i’. may be —can be maintained for a few more weeks it should be possible to say that the danger of war has been removed for at least a year, and in that year it should be possible to achieve something to bring the nations CIOS':'!- together.

The developments of the past few days serve to show just how feeble and insincere were the German claims regarding Danzig. Danzig, as Hitler himself has said time and again, is not worth war: therefore it has been necessary for Germany to discover some new pretext. Her methods follow well-established lines. As in the case of Austria and Czechoslovakia it has been alleged that German minorities in Polish territory have been subjected to harsh ill-treatment and the German propaganda machine has clearly lost none of its old-time efficiency. The people of Germany, with no source of information other than the official news, are being led to believe that they have almost a sacred mission to succour their unfortunate compatriots in Poland, and if they are ultimately inveigled into war it will be in the belief that they are in the right. It is probably calculated that the same tactics will impress other Powers, that they will be persuaded that Germany has a legitimate grievance which should be redressed. In this aim, however, there can bo little hope of success because Germany in recent years has given so many evidences of her absolute unreliability that no one in possession of normal faculties could be expected to again trust her. Whatever the attitude of the German people, it is certain that those of other nations will have no doubt as to where the right lies. The military manoeuvres of the present time give solid support to the view that Germany has abandoned Danzig as a casus belli. Viewed by itself the military annexation of Slovakia might not he of particular significance. When the Slovakians placed themselves under German “protection" they knew exactly what to expect and that is what they have now obtained. Independence for them was merely freedom to do what Germany dictated and now, in the words of an official statement: “Developments are following the course mapped out when Slovakia arranged for and received German protection.” It is clear that German policy has been longsighted and the movements in Slovakia may be regarded as an integral part

of the plan for stirring up opinion against Poland. From a strategical point of view German military control of Slovakia is of paramount importance because, in effect, it drives a wedge between Hungary and Poland and allows Germany to make military dispositions on the Polish frontier. At the same time it enables Germany to bring further pressure to bear on Hungary itself, but it may be doubted whether in such circumstances Hungary would be a really valuable ally to Germany in the event of War. It may be that this move is calculated to make Poland capitulate, but at the moment nothing seems less likely, Poland, after all, is largely a pawn in the game, and the other Powers no longer show a disposition to allow the pawns to be removed from the board one after the other to facilitate the majority advance. Any attack today will be met by a counter-attack, and there is some consolation in the knowledge that the counter-attacking forces are infinitely stronger to-day than tliey were a year ago. Naturally, a good deal of emphasis has been placed on the factor of British preparedness, but possibly equally, important has been the changed situation in France. 11 is interesting to recall that most of Germany's coups have been carried out at times when France was in the midst of political difficulties and temporarily without a Government. That situation is not likely to arise in the near future, because to-day France has a political stability that has been unequalled since the war and the country itself has been virtually regenerated under the threat of the German menace. The position of Russia still remains somewhat uncertain, but reassurance can be derived from the knowledge that the military leaders of Britain and France are collaborating with those of the Soviet. If it is the case, therefore, that Germany is likely to risk everything by provoking war in the next few weeks, some consolation can be derived from the evidence that the anti-aggression Powers were never better prepared to meet the challenge.