The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, MONDAY, JULY 3, 1939. GATHERING CLOUDS

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 19979, 3 July 1939, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, MONDAY, JULY 3, 1939. GATHERING CLOUDS

Although there have been no sensational developments during the week-end, the European situation today is clearly frought with the gravest danger, and, in some respects at least, is immeasurably worse than it was last September. There is a parallel between the circumstances to the extent that both crises were caused by the aggressive aims of Germany, but beyond that there is little similarity in the conditions. In September, there were no international commitments and the danger of a serious conflict hinged mainly on somewhat remote contingencies. To-day, the position is vastly different because Britain and France have given definite and inescapable guarantees to Poland. There is a tendency in some quarters to minimise the effect of these commitments, but they should be clear and unequivocal. Three months ago, Mr. Chamberlain stated that if the independence of Poland was threatened Britain would lend Poland all the support in its power. Last week that warning was repeated by Viscount Halifax and, two days later, by Sir John Simon. It has simultaneously been emphasised by by M. Daladier and during the weekend the French Government has taken certain measures which are calculated to dispel any doubts as to its determination to resist further aggression. If Germany persists in her intention to change the status of Danzig in any way other than by negotiation and agreement, then there will be war. It is not even necessary for Germany to use force to precipitate a crisis and it may be assumed that if she does take action it will be indirect rather than direct. If under German influence and guidance Danzig ostensibly elects to be absorbed within the Reich, Poland would be entitled to, and almost inevitably would, march into Danzig. In such circumstances, ip the words of the Whitehall spokesman, let there be not the faintest doubt that Poland would be supported

to the hill bv Britain and France. It is significant and typical ol' German methods that, up to this point she would not have moved at alj. Officially she would have remained inactive until she saw the people of Danzig, the great majority of whom are Germans, threatened with subjection by the Poles, and then she would claim to interfere on behalf of a suppressed section of her own race. In the eyes of her own people, therefore, Germany could adopt the role of protector of the weak instead of appearing in her .true colours as an aggressor; she could, and undoubtedly wdtild, claim that the conflict had been precipitated by the Poles and that she had been compelled to defend her own kinsmen. This attitude of injured innocence may deceive the German people, but it will not mislead those of other countries and most certainly the manoeuvre will not relieve Britain and France of their obligations. If Poland is forced to take action against Danzig, and if Germany goes to the assistance of Danzig, then Germany is automatically at war with Britain and France. The spark will have been- .set- to the powder barrel-and -no one can predict the consequences. In elfect, an ultimatum has been issued similar to that of 1914. Germany was then warned that if she marched into Belgium she would find herself at war with Great Britain. To-day, the warning is that there will be the same result if Germany invades Danzig. In 1914, the warning was ignored. What will be the attitude of Germany to-day? On the answer to that question depends the issue of peace or war. Since it is virtually within the power of one man to give the answer, the gravity of the situation can well be understood. It is increased by the fact that there is reason to suppose that the man whose verdict may decide the fate of nations is, perhaps, a little “drunk with power.” and has been so badly advised that he doubts the sincerity of the British and French pledges and fails to realise the responsibility that rests upon his shoulders. In all these circumstances it would ibe possible and excuseable to take a gloomy view of the situation, but it would be a grave mistake to assume before war actually starts that war is inevitable. Nor will a clash in Danzig itself mean that a general conflagration cannot be avoided, because even then evidence of British and French determination may serve to restrain Germany from taking what would be an irrevocable step. In the meantime, Britain and France are losing no opportunity of making their position even more clear. The speeches of the past week are no mere accident but are clearly the result of careful design. One statesman after another has gone to the utmost pains to make it clear that Britain and France are not “bluffing,” they have been supported in their utterances by declarations from the opposing political parties, and there is abundant evidence that never were the peoples of the two nations more united in their determination to prevent further aggression. In this attitude lies the greatest deterrent to war and the greatest prospect of it being averted. If, in spite of all the efforts and all the concessions on the part of the democracies, war does come, then it can be faced with a clear conscience, with faith in the cause for which it is waged, and with the knowledge and the confidence that behind the causes of justice and right are armed forces that have never been equalled in the history of the world.

THE “GISBORNE” HERALD The Herald appears to-day under a new name. The change is one that lias been under consideration for many years. It is made with a certain measure of reluctance after a history of more than G 5 years, but with a definite conviction that it is both desirable and necessary in the interests, not only of the newspaper itself, but also of the district which it seeks to represent. Abundant evidence is available from overseas as well as from within New Zealand, that the Herald has suffered through a name whose historical associations are little understood and is not truly' representative of the district. It follows that if the newspaper is penalised by its name the district for which it is the sole medium of outside publicity must also be penalised, and the change is made in the hope and belief that past misconceptions which have been largely contributed to by the name of the Herald will be avoided in future.

When the Herald was established its circulation was necessarily confined to a small area around Poverty Bay. To-day it. is regularly distributed throughout a wide area to which that name has no real application. The continuation of the old name, therefore, would be both inaccurate and misleading. The need foi a change has long been recognised but action has been deferred in the hope that some definite movement would develop for the application of a distinctive name to the district as a whole. Since there seems to be little prospect of this hope materialising, the Herald has decided to take the initiative itself and it is felt that this, Centennial year, is appropriate for the change. Whether the lead is one that should be followed generally, is for the people of the district to decide, but the Herald, in making its decision, feels that it is demonstrating its faith in its oft-expressed conviction that while the name of Poverty Bay should be retained with its his-

torical significance in iis correct sphere, it-should not be applied in a wider sense that was never intended, is inappropriate, and harmful to the district