FRENCH INVASION OF ENGLAND.

Greymouth Evening Star, Volume XXXI, 26 January 1901, Page 4

FRENCH INVASION OF ENGLAND.

Speeoh by General Mercier, Hysterical French General's Ideas. London, December 7.1900. , General Mercier—the real mainspring of the infamous conspiracy against Dreyfus—has given us something to think about and talk about and write about this week. On Tuesday last, speaking in his place in the French Senate, he proposed immediate preparations for a French invasion of England, not necessarily, a 3 ho coolly explained, for instant execution, but for everything to be in complete readiness to ba carried at a moment's notice, should England's behaviour towards France demand chastisement.

I trust that, being thus " forewarned " will mean, as proverbially it ought to do, " forearmed " also. The circumstances were these:—A Bill was before the Senate providing for an increase of the French fleet. The first speech of interest wa3 that of M. Combes, who said that as the measure Jwas brought in by the Government, and a commended by the Naval Council, he would vote for it, but he should do so without any enthusiasm as he maintained that a war between naval squadrons was virtually impossible because the inferiority of the French at sea, as compared, not merely with England, but also with the Triple Alliance, was manifest. He advocated defensive preparations in the northern seas, and offensive preparations in tho Mediterranean.

Then General Mercier rosa auiid applause and delivered the spceeh which is already historic. He began by remarking that he would have preferred for the Bill to bo discussed with those for the equipment of the ports and the defence of naval bases of operation. The Bill was of a ■ character purely offensive, and not defensive, like the others, so he should doal with it on that basis. As it stood it could not but bo approved, for in war, on land and sea, offensive tactics should be the invariable programme. Going back on historical events, such as the expedition to Ireland, in 1797, the expedition to Egypt in the following year, and so on, General Mercier said that such tactics should be renewed in the undesirable event of a conflict with England. The times were now changed, of course, since the days of Napoleon, but the force of resistance was not the same in certain countries. The events in the Transvaal showed that the English army, however valiant and solid, did not come up to the expected le\ol. As to the English navy, it was certainly powerful, but it had a large coast-lino to protect, and an extensive merchant service to guard all over the world. That of France might, therefore, be its equal at certain points, and be rendered superior to it by the adoption of new engines of destruction. A disembarkation in England was certainly realisable, and that was the opinion of a high military aurhority. It was also the opinion of Baron von der Goltz. Moreover, in England, the Prime Minister had recently expressed significant apprehension on the matter.

This reference to Lord Salisbury's speech evidently caused a good deal of uneasines» among the Senators, and when General Mercier went on to say that ho was about to explain a plan of his own for the invasion of England, which would be not only certain of success, but also quite inexpensive in its character, there was a general shout of protest, and the President entreated General Mercier not to enter into the details of his scheme. Some of the Senators applauded, and a member exclaimed: "But surely the General will not do this?"

"Monsieur lo President," replied General Mercier, "I consider that there is nothing that should not bo stated in all that lam about to say here. They are general indications, the sole object of which is to arrive at an estimate of the expense which you must have to enable you to judge whether you can accept the proposition which I shall soon submit to you." "You might, perhaps, furnish this estimate without entering into particulars,' remarked M. Fallieres."

"I defer to the President," said General Mercier, "and I suppress the few explanations, very inoffensive though they are, which, I was about to have the honour of making to the Senate. I assume that this gap is filled up, and I proceed." Then, after alluding to the Chine-Japan-ese war, and mentioning the probable co3t of the transport flotilla General Mercier said, "It would have returned to our ports about forty-eight hours after we had left them. It would be ready for the second operation of the same kind' which would, perhaps be easier than the first, as it is possible that a portion of the crews of the English fleet would be hastily called to England for the defence of the points threatened by the invading army. But in order to render such a result possible, it would have been necessary to adopt beforehand,

and with the utmost care, the following measures :—The drawing up of a plan for the combined mobilisation of the army the fleet and the transport flotilla. The completion of the embarkation material. The creation of a transport flotilla. The study of plans of landing, of and of action on several spots."

The General concluded as follows: 'The measures to which I refer are neither difficult nor enormous. They would at the most cost the third of the price of a battleship. It would be a sword of Damocles which might hi allowed to fall or left suspended as we pleased. They would simply completo the Bill. I shall vote for the Bill, but I shall ask the House to append to it the following resolution: "The Senate invites the Government to lose no time in completing the arrangements for the moblisation of the army and navy by the preparation of all that is necessary for the embarkation and disembarkation of an expeditionary corps with the utmost possible rapidity." Alth rtiji-i the General achieved his main o' j c—that of creating a sensation, which he certainly did—his motion was not favourably received by the Senate. A storm of loud protests arose, and the President of the Senate promptly pointed out that the proposed resolution was out of order, or could only be brought in after a previous interpellation on the subject. Here the Minister of Marine, M. De Lanessan, interjected with strong emphasis, "And the Government eould not possibly accept it." The utterance was greeted with hearty approval by the Senate generally, among whom, as among all reasonable Frenchmen, there exists no desire to rush into war with England, but on the contrary, an extreme disinclination to be forced into one which must be disastrous to France, whichever way its result might go. But nothing can affect the fact that such a speech has been made, and made in the French Senate by the Head of the French Army. That fact alone affords material for earnest consideration. The immediate effact has been to create a profound sensation both in France and in England. General Mercier calmly preceded. He said that the system which he was about to explain had been tried by the Japanese with excellent results. The cost would not exceed ten million f canes for preparations on the Channel coasts and twenty million for those on the western Mediterranean shores. He would be asked. "Why are you drawning England's attention to these questions':'' But this was nothing new to their neighbours, to whom Sir Clias Dilke, Lord Wolseloy, Lord Salisbury, and others, had told all that there was to say as to the risks of a landing. At the present moment the risks were rather imaginary, as no preparations had been made for such an operation. But they might soon become serious if France was ready for the necessary sacrifices. Of course, such preparations 'would never imply a provocation to war or a desire for war. But to be ready for war meant the possession of means to ensure respect for rights and interests. Even if this only had the effect of compelling England to take up the same military burdens as the other Powers of Europe, it would be a very good result, as this would be one more reason for believing in the maintenance of peace. General Mercer proceeded with his speech, which is reported by authority in the Paris Journal Official, the report being revised by the Speaker, as in the case of the New Zealand " Hansard." According to the authoritative report General Mercier said :—" I believe that several studies prompted by a train of ideas like those contained in the article in the Revue des Deux Moiules, have been undertaken by naval engineers occupying an official position. They have advocated the employment of special ships drawing little water, and carrying as little superstructure as possible, so that they might be less easily sighted. They would be sufficiently plated to be proof against projectiles of small calibre. Such ships, 150 metres in length, eighteen metres in breadth, and drawing at the outside two metres of water, would be of about 4500 tons burden, would require engines of 4000 horse-power, and would transport 45(X) men. Their cost can be estimated at 4,000,000 fr (about £160,000). But this would be a very heav} r expense. In 1897 I myself had drawn up at the Fourth Army Corps, which I had the honour to command, a detailed study of a plan of a landing in England, and I gave two copies. Here the General was interrupted by loud remonstrances from the Republican benches, which elicited counter cries of approval from the Reactionary party. One Senator asked : " Where are we going J-"

General Mercier resumed : " I do not perceive the objection," he said. "I gave two copies of this work —one to the President of the Republic, the other to the Minister of War. It was executed by a very distinguished officer, who accompanied it with a great deal of useful information. I consider that this scheme, when completed, rectified on a few points, and brought down to date, as three years have already rolled by since it was drawn up, might serve as a basis for a rapid and very economical solution of the question." At this stage fresh protests arose, and M. Fallieries, who presided, interposed: "Do you think, General, that it is right to give to the .Senate and to conlide to public opinion documents or indications of documents which ought not, perhaps, to leave the War Office?"