EMPIRE AT WAR

Evening Star, Issue 23382, 27 September 1939, Page 10

EMPIRE AT WAR

SOUTH AFRICAN STAND THE ISSUE OF NEUTRALITY SOME REGENT HISTORY The vote taken in the South African Assembly to determine the attitude of the Union towards the war in which Britain has become engaged with Germany was of supreme importance to the future of the Empire, no Joss than to that of South Africa, says a writer in the ‘ Sydney Morning Herald.’ General Hcrtzog, who has been Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa for the past 15 years, sought to establish South Africa’s neutrality. His motion was defeated in the House of Assembly ou au amendment moved by General Smuts, Minister of Justice and Deputy Prime Minister, who is now forming a Ministry. The problem of South Africa’s place in the British Empire has long been one of extreme difficulty. South Africa is a self-governing dominion; yet the majority of the white population aro not British, but South African Dutch, and, although a sincere and genuine attempt has been made to fuse the two races and forget the racial animosities born in earlier days, there is a considerable section of the people which has no love for Britain, and offers no allegiance to the Empire. Without exaggerating the importance of this fact, it is one that has to bo realised —and faced. South Africa is not 100 per cent. British, nor likely to bo unanimous in any decision to go to the support of the Empire. SIGNIFICANCE OF VOTE. Yet, from the Imperial point of view, the rejection of General Hertzog’s neutrality policy in the House of Assembly is extremely significant and definitely reassuring. It would suggest that the ideal of fusion has found a far greater measure of acceptance than the extremists on either side were inclined to believe. For the rejection of the neutrality policy has not been brought about by the British-borh members of the South African Parliament, but by the majority vote of the United Party, which is exactly what its name implies —a party composed of both races, anxious to sink old differences and join together in the building of a great South African nation. It is significant, too, that the opposition to the Prime Minister’s proposal was headed by General Smuts—himself a South 'African Boer.

The loyalty to the Empire of South Africans of British descent is beyond question. They will demand that the Union shall stand by Britain. The “ fusionists ” of both races are likely to take their lead from General Smuts and declare for tho Empire. The “ irreconciliables,” headed by Dr Mahan, leader of the Nationalist Party, which wants complete independence, will be hostile.

Because General Hertzog has been defeated in Parliament it does not necessarily follow that ho will now throw in his lot with the “ rebel ” faction. General Hertzog, a Dutch Boer, who fought against Britain in the war of 1899, was the founder of tho Nationalist—or anti-British—Party, and for years was Britain’s implacable foe. Repeated official visits to England and a growing realisation that for reasons of self-preservation alone, South Africa must stand by the Empire, succeeded, however, in blunting this animosity. He became Prime Minister in 1924, but the narrow majority of the Nationalists forced him into a coalition with Labour. The election of 1929 put the Nationalists into a stronger position. THE FUSION PARTY. Meanwhile, however, tho advocates of fusion were gaining ground, and in 1933 Hertzog found himself at the head of a Coalition Government uniting the Nationalists and tho South African Party. In tho next five years the fusionists made great progress, and in the General Election of 1938 the United South African Party was returned to Parliament with a sweeping majority under Hertzog’s leadership. His mantle, as leader of the old Nationalist Party, noA greatly reduced in strength, fell upon Ur Malan, who has since pursued a hitter anti-British policy. Although, as head of the United Party and the Government, General Hertzog accepted tho Empire ideal, ho has never shown very much enthusiasm for tho link with Britain. During the recent recurring crises in Europe, ho remained largely non-commital in Parliament. lie insisted that Germany should bo regarded a.s a “friendly Power,” and adverse criticism of Germany in the House was definitely discouraged. Many people in South Africa were uneasy concerning his attitude, and he was frequently pressed in Parliament to declare what would be South Africa’s attitude if Britain went to war. He was never trapped into a plain statement, though many people hoped and believed that when it came to the point he would throw in his lot with Britain.

Dr Malan and his following of diehard Nationalists have been openly pressing for neutral status for a long time.

General Smuts, a former Prime Minister of the Union, is a different type of man. He is completely lacking in the fanaticism which characterises both Hertzog and Malan, and he has no racial animosity. He believes that after tho Boer War Britain did her best to give the conquered people a square deal.

A “ SOUTH AFRICAN.” A Dutch Boer himself, he prefers to be regarded as a “ South African.” He is an enthusiastic believer in the fusionists’ plan for developing a united South African nation. He has accepted tho Empire ideal and loyally taken his place as a responsible statesman of the Empire. He took a prominent part in the Peace Conference in Paris and was a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. His loyalty to the Empire has been, demonstrated on more than one occasion. in order to get some idea of what South Africa is likely to do now. it is important to analyse tho following of the various political parties. The United Party (fusionists) have a big majority in Parliament, and the neutrality proposals could never have been rejected without their support. Four parties are represented in tho Union Parliament to-day—the United Party, the Nationalist Party, the Dominion Party, ami tho Labour Party. Both the antiBritish Nationalist Party and the diehard pro-British “ Dominion Party ” lost heavily through the growth of the fusiouist movement. So that there is welcome evidence that both sides— Africans of British and Dutch descent —wore willing to sink their differences anti seek fo build up a common nationality within tho Empire. It is only

tho irrenconcilahles in both camps that are putting up the nationality bar. The state of the parties in Parliament is:— United Party 109 Nationalists 27 Dominion Party ... 10 Labour Party 4 TWO PARTIES NEGLIGIBLE. Tho few by-elections which have followed have not materially upset the balance of power. It will be seen'that tho Labour Party’s following does not count. Neither does the Dominion (Patriotic British) Party, seven of whose eight members represented constituencies in Natal, which is completely pro-British in any case. The Transvaal, where gold is god, voted solidly for the United Party because tho people do not want anything to disturb trade, commerce, and moneymaking. The Nationalist Party drew their support from the Cape and the Orange Free State because those provinces are mainly agricultural and (outside Cape Town) peopled by small Boer farmers, many of whom speak only the Dutch “ taal ” and resent what is described as the “ British yoke.” Curiously enough, apart from politics, these people arc tho most hospitable in tho world, and nu English traveller calling at a Dutch farm or seeking accommodation in a wayside “ dorp,” would be certain of a hearty welcome. Although Dr Malan’s Nationalist Party has only a small representation in the House of Assembly and has no chance of successfully challenging a Government decision the principles for which it stands have secured wide acceptance in the hack-veld among the rustic Dutch population and this cannot bo left out of account as a possible source of danger.