The Coming General Election.

Evening Star, Issue 6727, 8 October 1885, Page 3

The Coming General Election.

Preparations for tho coining strnggte are going forward. The Dilko and Chamber* lain tour of Ireland has been abandoned, but Mr Chamberlain has arranged, by way of ■compensation to himself, to make a considerable extension of his Scotch tour, and will probably be heard in all the greater cities north of the Tweed. The prospects of Conservatism in this part of fthe kingdom are not very brilliant. The Reform Bills have made a vast change by letting in greater numbers of 'rural voters. li> Midlothian, for instance, where Mr Gladstone is still •sxpeoted, the register has been increased fann 4,000 to 13,000 electors, and it is absolutely certain that theohftnee of aConSeirvative candidate here, once so promising, is altogether hopeless. The Liberal majority is so overwhelming over the greater part of Scotland that even the Irish party are making no effort outside of Glasgow. This week the Irish League; of Great Britain—a truly Irish titles-has been perfecting' its arrangements to,secure the franchise to all properly-qualified Irishmen living on this side of the Irish Sea. There is to be a systematic presentation of Irish "claims" to the revising barristers sitting in all the large towns, and it is said—though this is after the effusive manner of the league—that the result will be an enormous addition to the voting strength of the Irish communities in English and Scotch towns. This addition of strength is to be used in the interest of the Conservative party and the present Government. For what purpose is clear enough. It is not that the Parnellites love fie Conservatives. Mr T. P. O'Connor told us the other night that " the order to support the Tories" had been given because it was expedient. "The Conservatives," he said, " were black at heart, and would do nothing for Ireland, unless it was wrung from them." All the same, it was expedient to support them. You may ask why T If so, the answer can bo inade in a few words. Mr Parnell hopes to control the new Parliament. It is regarded as impossible that the Conservative party can obtain a majority in England and Wales. There is, however, according to these same calculations, just a chance for the Liberals. Hence it is necessary to give them; cheek. There is no risk, as it is supposed, in helping the Conservatives, since if it resulted that they happened to get a majority on this side of the Irish Channel, they would be confronted by a -strong phalanx of Parnellites from Ireland who (with the help <uf the Liberals) could easily outvote them. On the other hand, to allow the Liberals to gain the Irish vote in the English and (Scotch constituencies might send the present Opposition back to Parliament in such cumbers that they would at once return to the Treasury bench, and be quite independent of Mr Parnell. In the graceful language of Mr Healy, it is the duty of the Irish party to get the English Liberals and Tories into their power, and " then to knock their heads together." The plan promises much to Mr Parnell, and it is nothing less than sheer madness that no nctempt is being made to defeat it. English politicians are for the moment much too factious to take heed of the danger which lies before all alike. If chance serves their' turn, well and good; otherwise Mr Parnell "will direct affairs at Westminster. The prospect is not consoling for anybody but the pure party man. Happily there are two ■considerations which give hope that the analignant schemes of the Irish party may fail. The first, which is the least satisfao tory, is that the hopes of the Liberals, who are looking for a good working majority over both Conservatives and Parnellites combined may bo realised; the other, and the more agreeable to many persons who are not party men, is the possibility that the Parnellites may be hoist with their own engine, and that by ordering the Irish vote in England and Scotland to be cast for the Conservatives, they may unwittingly return a working majority for the present Ministry of Lord Salisbury, spite of all the calculating that had been going forward. This is not altogether unlikely. If we turn to the situation of parties in Ireland, it is not less instructive. The Parnellites talk as loudly as ever of returning something over eighty out of the 103 members who sit at Westminster for that part of the United Kingdom. They may do this, but they will want money, and reports from America on this head are not encouraging. The National League is said to have a fund of somewhere about L 50,000 for the purpose. At any rate, it had such a fund some months back—if we may believe what was reported at the time. Latterly nothing has been heard on the subject, and, on the other hand, we have seen the cap sent round with much energy and push. The result has not.been proportionate. But it is possible that'the tactics have been in the nature of a "blind." If the money is in hand to the extent mentioned it will probably suffice for the purpose in view. Under the corrupt Practices Act the cost of an election has been reduced to a minimum, and the returns made by candidates are now put at hundreds where formerly they were as many thousands of pounds Granting, therefore, the possession of L 50.000, and a proper tupply of candidates—about which, also, there is difficulty— Mr Parnell may probably achieve a remarkable triumph at the general election. It matters little whether his friends number seventy or eighty or more. If they can show a clear majority of the Irish constituencies, as re-arranged, and are prepared to pin their faith to Mr Parnell, the cause of the Irish Parliamentary party is to a largo extent won. They will then speak with an influence which hitherto has not been theirs, and if it should happen that the stupidity of some English politicians rt-3 duces the strength of Conservatives and Liberals to about an equality, there is no foreseeing what may happen at Westminst- r in the course of the next few years. But it is to the credit of the loyal section of Irishmen that they have determined for themselves, that, so far as they are concerned, Mr Parnell shall not have his way without a struggle. Both Conservatives and Liberals are preparing for the general election with becoming earnestness. And the events of recent times have driven the two parties almost into each other's arms. At the present moment we hear of various schemes for giving check to the Nationalists. It is not possible to'say whether anything will come of the project by which the Loyalists were to arrange between themselves as to which seats should be contested, and then to allocate so many to Liberal and so many to Conservative candidates; but the fact that the matter lias been discussed is something. For the Conservatives, Lord Arthur Hill has full power to act from Lord Salisbury, and in a few days we may learn niore definitely of what is in the wind. The Irish Liberals are admittedly in very bad case. To carry some dozen seat 3 is the utmost of their expectation. Their capacity is, perhaps, represented by about half* of this success. Consequently they would readily welcome an alliance which would give them any help whatever. A good deal of curiosity is felt as to the operations which may be undertaken as the- result of a private meeting held at the London Mansion of a great Whig peer some time ago, with a view of raising money to contest certain doubtful seats against the Nationalists. It is presumed that the movement set on foot at this meeting has been quietly going on in the interval, although nothing has been heard concerning it. Its intention was to give the Parnellites each an opponent in every Irish constituency, and thus to draw upon and exhaust the nestegg of the National League before alluded to. It was hoped that this scheme would compel the Nationalists to limit their own operations to likely seats, and thus give a chance to the Loyalists, both Conservative and Liberal, in the constituencies for which they have hitherto sat at Westminster. Finally, we look for some outcome from the League of Patriots,"-which was set on foot at the Belfast residence of Sir Thomas Bateson in the course of last week. So far, this is a purely Conservative body, but its development is only beginning, and we may find that it has a special relation to the action of all Irishmen in the course of the forthcoming campaign. Meantime the wed has gone forth from Mr Parnell that Lord Carnarvon is to have a chance. The Nationalists will not as yet attempt to discredit him. They have perhaps other work to do (if they had no other reason) in the "alliance" of which we'havo heard so much. Just now, tho. ; ,general election is involving much preparation.

And the arrival of stirring times is bringing tho Usual quarrel among, the leaguers. The central authority of the League in Dublin is being repudiated by 'certain of its branches, which are in turn repudiated by it. Happily for themselves tho Dublin people have the priests at their back, and what cannot l»c overcome by the Central Committee cau be managed by a denunciation from the altar during mass. It was in this way that a recalcitrant branch in thfc County Cork, which persisted In holding a public meeting in opposition to the wishes of the central authority, was overawed and finally controlled. Since then the Jentral Committee has thought it wise to issue a general circular stating that it has no sympathy with persons who are endeavoring to Stir up strife and discord; Here is ,a sly snot at Mr Davitt. The position of the latter to the Irish Parliamentary party is peculiar. He is said to be about to comtnerice a course of agitation on the lines which he has always followed, and which are rather parallel with than antagonistic to those adopted by the League itself. But the •difference is enough for the Leagu'ertj ahd hence the shafts they send at him. Mr Davitt has never qonceaMl his scorn for the manoeuvres of the Irish Parliamentary party-. He would have the League look to other means than these. To dome extent it haft adopted his tactics, and We are told by i% correspondent of the ' Times' that Boards of guardians and other local bodies are " promoting Irish industries" by giving contracts to Irishmen making up Irish materials erai at prices above those offered by English contractors. Further, it is said that in several districts patronage is refused to shopkeepers who sell English goods where Irish goods of the same description can be obtained. These are some of Mr Davitt's methods, which he would gladly develop if he were permitted. In his way he is not less dangerous than the Parnellites themselves, and it is possibly well that, somehow or other, he is kept in check, even though we may not be able to approve of the .conduct which ties him down. It is pretty certain that he cannot make headway without the approval of Mr Parnell, from which I may go further and say that the dissension which is going on will not be very wide or serious. Here it may be added that the Dublin Corporation, which made no recognition of the election of Lord Plunkot to the Protestant archbishoprto of the city, are proposing to offer an address to Monsignor Walsh on his return from Rome, to take up his post in succession to Cardinal M'Cabe. This is to be done in spite of protest, and possibly because of it. The Nationalists reply that they do it to wipe out the "insult" offered by Sir George Erringtoti in daring to oppose the election of Dr Walsh at the request of the British Government. Unhappily for this notion it is officially stated (and the Pope himself has confirmed it to two of the Irish bishops who were at Rome at the time) that the question of the successor of Cardinal M'Cabe was never mentioned to His Holiness by Sir George Errington. This is explicit enough for anybody but an Irish Nationalist.—'Argus's' London Correspondent.