Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

OUR HOME LETTER.

We are just beginning to breathe a little more freely after the war “scare” of the last few weeks. When the fear first blew over it was generally considered to have been chimerical ; but, by the light of what has subsequently transpired, it would appear to have been not altogether ungrounded. Speaking on the subject iu the House of Lords the Earl of Derby said that, a few weeks ago, persons of the highest authority in Berlin had openly proclaimed the increasing armaments of France as a danger to Germany, avowing that unless the French army were reduced it might become necessary for Germany to strike the first blow. Such language, continued his lordship, had naturally occasioned extreme uneasiness at Paris, _ where the Government had promptly disclaimed any warlike intentions. This assurance the British Government had regarded as sincere, but the difficulty was that the French seemed unable to conceive of the German apprehensions being genuine. However, it had appeared to Her Majesty’s Government that much might be done to calm down the apprehensions of both sides, and the Russian Government had adopted the same view. The policy of non-intervention was the one approved of by the people of this country, but that need not mean a policy of isolation or indifference to the interests of European peace. • With reference to the efforts being made by France to reorganise her army, Lord Derby deprecated the idea ©f regarding it with alarm. He said that, considering the misfortunes France had suffered, she must naturally desire to maintain such an army as would not only afford security at Home, but give her the influence in Europe to which her Importance entitled her. Few persons will dispute the propriety of the first desire, but as regards the foreign influence which is exercised through the instrumentality of largo armies, it is at best doubtful whether any good is likely to come of it. In reference to the friendly offices of our Government, the French journals are exuberant in praise. “By raising her preserve European peace,” the ‘ Moniteur ’ says, “ England has recovered the authority and influence to which she has so many claims, has witnessed the firm and correct attitude of the British Government with pleasure, and the Cabinet of Mr Disraeli has thereby acquired a degree of authority and strength which will justly procure for it the grateful remembrance of Europe.” I must add that Germany has eagerly disavowed any desire for war. According to Prince Bismarck, for her to do so would be as unreasonable as for him to attack Kuhlmann. It is said that the German Government is extremely displeased with the indiscreet statements and comments of newspapers supposed to act under Government inspiration. Rumors have been current of the intended suppression of the Press department of the Foreign Office; but more reoent accounts state that no such bureau exists, though there is one in connection with the Home department. Now that the danger of war is past for the moment, it is worth while considering, perhaps, in whose interest it could ever have been thought desirable. Nothing certainly is more earnestly desiredby Germany than aperraanentpeace, and, next to securing herself in case of attack, all her effects are devoted to that object. As regards France, taken collectively, no doubt thoie is much soreness, and a desire to recover her lost Provinces ; but, taken individually, it may be doubted whether each unit of the population would care to sacrifice much to regain them, and the conscription is most cordially detested, But then come in the sublime ideas of national honor, European influence, and so forth. Meanwhile Germany is evincing tbs most resolute determination to keep the door of her house well barred. The fortifications of Mete have strengthened, new forts built, and the whole connected with railways. Storehouses have also been built, sufficient to hold several years’ provisions for an army of 40,000 men. New fortifications are being erected in a similar manner at Strasburg, and along the left bank of the Rhine defence works are also being constructed. When complete they will all be united by railways and telegraphs, so that the entire forces at their disposal can be concentrated on any one point in twenty-four hours. Altogether, this will form probably the strongest line of defence in Europe. The French are beginning to feel the pecu niary effects of “la gloire. Their annual expenditure now amounts to the pleasant sum of a hundred million pounds, and shows every symptoml of continuing to increase at the rate of a million per annum. In fact, the increase since 1874, though nominally stated at L 1,840,000, is said really to amount to L 5,440,000. The cost to France of the late German war, including the indemnity, is L 350,000,000, with an annual interest of nearly L 20,000,000. The credit of the nation does not, however, appear to be seriously affected by this addition to its liabilities. In 1870, just before the war, the funds stood at seventy-two. In ■November, 1873, they were at fifty-six; now theA are at sixty-three. Of course, it is a vast tribute to the industry and eneigy of a people to find that it can bear so tremendous a burden, but what an expansion of comfort, of intellectual and moral well-being might have been effected, had the efforts of the country found a more suitable outlet than those of slaughter and destruction.

Religious troubles have ext anded themselves to Belgium, where the frequent Roman Catholic processions are regarded with great disfavor by many of the populace. The vast majority of the inhabitants are Catholics, and it is said that the dislike togthese demonstrations is attributable to their semi-political character. In England recently we enjoyed the refreshing spectacle of a resuscitated “pilgrimage,” as it is called—that is to say, a number of highly respectable gentlemen, without peas in their boots, undertook a journey in first-class carriages, with ample oppertunities for refreshment, to see the bones of some saint or other. The comparisons drawn between this and the ancient pilgrimagef, of which it was ostensibly an imitation, were of course sufficiently striking. We are now told that “pilgrimages” have become specially obnoxious to the people of Ghent. Whether they are of the same character remains to be seen, but it is evident that the religious warfare is extending itself to purely Roman Catholic countries. We are beginning to feel not altogether comfortable about the state of our army. Hecruits worth having are difficult to get, and desertions are alarmingly frequent. The Duke of Cambridge, in speaking of the subject in the House of Lords, summed up the whole case when lie said it was simply one of money. If we want the best men we must pay for them. As it is the present rate of pay offers little or no inducement, and we are consequently obliged to content ourselves with youths under twenty. As regards the Guards, still greater difficulty is found in obtaining men of the required height; and it is said that no less th in three companies are distributed about the country endeavoring to. pick up recruits. Some of the officers of this body are so anxious to bring up the numbers to the proper amount, that they have offered out of their own pockets an increased bounty of L2. An interesting case, as affecting the practices of, iradw Unions, hat juit been decided,

Five cabinetmakers, lately in the employment of Messrs Jackson and Graham, were charge ) with picketing ” some workmen who had been engaged in their stead. Either a strike or a lock-out had taken place, and the offence of the five cabinetmakers was endeavoring, by persuasion and remonstrance, to induce those accepted the reduction to discontinue work. By a recently passed Act it is is unlawful to “beset” any alleged that r no threats were used, and if the picketers would have apologised no proceedings would have been taken. But the men refused to do so, as they specially wished to test the question whether they had infringed the law. The result of the prosecution was against them, ania sentence of imprisonment was passed on each. This, however, has been remmitted by the Government.

The London Trades Council availed itself of their reltaae for a demonstration to congratulate the men, and to demand an alteration of the existing labor law’s. Am immense crowd awaited them at the prison gates, where about 100 societies were represented, and on their appearance the released prisoners were greeted with great cheering. In the afternoon they were entertained at dinner at the Co-operative Hall, in Oxford street, where purses of about L 25 each were presented to them. In the evening another demonstration took place in Hyde Perk, where about 20,000 persona met and passed resolutions condemnatory of the existing Criminal Law Amendment Act. Two vast processions marched to the Park with hands and flags, and the whole affair passed off with perfect quietness and propiety, affording a remarkable instance of the increasing aptitude of our working population for organisation and self-government. The farm laborers of Dorsetshire and Somersetshire have also recently held iheir demonstration— their annual one—at Yeovil. Ten or twelve thousand were present. Letters were read from many gentlemen, expressing their regret at their being unable to attend. Mr Gladstone wrote that he had seen no reason to change his very decided views on the subjects of wages and the franchise. Mr Trevelyan wrote thst he regarded the franchise as the only means by which the laborer could obt on his full rights, and held that it should be extended to him. A resolution was carried praying for the extension of household suffrage to the counties; also one claiming for the laborer* a share in the land; and one, I rejoice to say, calling for the compulsory formation of school boards.

t A most interesting case has arisen in connection with the Brighton Aquarium, or institution, which, besides the attractions suggested by its name, offers those of a reading-room for books and newspapers, and a band of music. On as on other days, it is open on payment of sixpence; but sacred music only is performed. Well, it has been discovered that, under an obsolete law, any pluce of “ amusement or entertainment ” which is open on Sunday for money payment, becomes liable to a penalty of L2OO for every occasion on which it is so open, and it occurred to a gentleman—cither inspired by a fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom, or by a love of thrift, which is so frequently its ultimate object—to proceed against the Aquarium Company, it being understood that one half of the fines go into the pocket of the prosecutor or informer. The magistrates decided the case against the company, who thereby found themselves liable to the exaction of an enormous sum of moneysomething like LIO.OOO. To add to this alarming state of things, it now transpires that a penalty of LSO can be imposed for the publication of every separate advertisement of places of entertainment. The London, Brighton, and South Coast Kailway, it seems, in addition to advertising its Sunday trains, etc., advertised that admission to the Aquarium was sixpence. an d at the present time there are actions pending against it for Llo,ooo—that is for 200 penalties at LSO each. The ‘ Daily News ’ and ‘ Daily Telegraph ’ have also rendered themselves liable to action for inserting advertisements of the Aquarium being open on Sundays, and the sum claimed from each is said to amount to L 5,000. The position of affairs gave occasion to a very influential deputation which waited on Mr Cross, the Home Secretary, to solicit a repeal of the Act in question. After the features of the case, as above narrated, had been referred to, Mr Locke, M.P., pointed out that the decision affected the piers, not only of Brighton, but of the whole kingdom, and one of the Brighton piers had been closed on Sundays through fear of prosecution. In replying to the deputation Mr Cross said that as regarded the general question he was extremely glad tosee people, rich or poor, enjoying themselves rationally on a Sunday, though, as far as possible, it should not be at the expense of making others woik who had as much need of rest as themselves. He said he regretted that the decision of the Judges did not mention whether it was the looking at the fishes or the payment of money at which exception was taken. The decision, however, appeared to have been based more upon the band, and the books and newspapers. With regard to the heavy penalties, Mr Cross continued that it was in his power to remit them, and if the gentleman in question hoped to get the LIO,OOO he was afraid he would be disappointed. A few days afterwards a counter-deputation waited upon Mr Cross from the Working Men’s Lord’s Day Rest Association, headed by Lord Shaftesbury. His lordship said there were 100,000 men employed on Sundays on our railways, 100,000 on rivers and canals, aud 250,000 in public places. Another member of the deputation urged that the working classes derived no advantage from the aquarium being open on Sunday, when it was merely used as a lounge by wealthy idlers. The diplomatic reply of Mr Cross was the same as given to the previous deputation. It is said that an arrangement has now been come to by which the aquarium is to be open on Sundays, without the obnoxious features of books, newspapers, or sacred music, and a friendly action will then be taken to decide whether it falls within the prohibited class. An anecdote is related of the actor Macready as an instance of his wonderful readiness. In the play of “Richard the Third,” an attendant comes in, and says to the King, “ My lord, the Duke of Buckingham is taken,” to which Richard replies, “ Then off with his head—so| much for Buckingham !” On one particular occasion, however, the actor representing tbe attendant, was very sleepy, and said, “ My lord, the Duke of Buckingham is dead ,” to which the great actor instantly replied, “ Then bury him—so much for Bucking ham 1 ’ The reply was certainly apt, and the directions apparently appropriate, though in the present day they might perhaps not be so easy to carry out. The refusals of Church of England clergy to bury people are becoming increasingly frequent, and a month very rarely passes without some such instance. Parliament, as you are aware, has been very persevering in throwing out Mr Morgan’s Bill for allowing Dissenting ministers to perform the funeral service in parish churchyards where there is no public cemetery ; but things have come to such a pass that no one can resist the conviction that something will have to be done. Hence yve hear rumors of an attempt to compromise. It has been said that the Government expressed! itself to the heads of the Church that some relaxation must be conceded, but this has been denied. However, we are told of a conference between “ six eminent parochial clergymen of the diocese of London and_ about an equal number of leading Nonconformist Ministers,” at which a nearly unanimous decision was arrived at for opening the churchyards : it being provided, as a safeguard against abuses, that the person officiating should be the recognised minister of some religious body. Let us hope that the clergy of the Established Church may be wise in time, and accept the compromise whilst they have the opportunity of doing so. Some two months ago I had to relate the circumstances of a Church of England clergyman refusing to allow a tombstone to be erected over the remains of a little girl, on the ground of her father having been designated thereon as “ The Kev. Henry Keets, Wesleyan minister.” Indignant at the insult, the Wesleyan body resolved to test the law on the matter, and the Chancellor of Lincoln, in whose Court the case was tried, has just given judgment. He holds that as the applicant did notaUegehe was in holy o 'decs, he v as not entitled to the inscription. Mr Keets, he said, was a member of a schismatic body, and to allow the inscription to stand would be giving to bis use of the title “Reverend” the authorative sanction of the Church of England. The desired permtofoa (

was therefore refused. Until now it hoe bam the prevalent impression that the supervision over epitaphs allowed to the parish clergyman was given to prevent the insertion of anything obscene or blasphemous. Perhaps, however* the learned Chancellor may be of opinion that the obnoxious title, as applied to Mr Keets* came under one of these categories. It is is hardly necessary to add that notice of appeal has been given, and the case will be carried into the Court of Arches.

From time to time I have referred casually to the proceedings of a couple of American revivalists named Moody and ankey. Your readers may doubtless imagine there must bo something very extraordinary in these men to create so much stir. And yet, I think, I can take upon myself to say such is not the case. Their success, or notoriety, is duo, in fact (> to their common—not to say uncommon qualities. To succeed with the vulgar, the grand condition is to be like them. If your readers wish to form an idea of their style of eloquence, let them call to mind that of the rabid fanatics who used to sometimes preach in the Octagon on the de* lightful subjects of hell and damnation. Certainly, it is a little humiliating to realise how great is the power of ignorance, to find so close a parallel between the mental perversion manifested in regard to the Tichborne trial, and the moral perversion which shows itself in these revivals. - If the enthusiasts who attend such exhibitions were impelled by a desire for moral culture, by the hope of becoming better men and women, _ it would be possible to regard the movement with approva 1 . But it unfortunately happens that the sins which are moat industriouslylamented are those of ether people. So oppressed are these good folk s with the grievous wickedness of everybody else that they have organised a system of house-to-house visitation. The plan adopted is to call and ask to see the mistress o£ the house. Such a request - ii, of course, rarely refused; and, when the missionary of revivalism has been politely invited to the drawingroom, he or she opens the conversation hy inquiring after the spiritual health of the lady of the house, asking if she feels sure of salvation, &c. To such a height has the nuisance grown, that one instance is related of a male visitor, who, when the lady of the house refused to allow her soul to be prayed for, commenced offering up a prayer on the doorstep for “ his dear sister.” Until recently most people were agreed that, whatever were the merits of the eminent novelist Charles Dickons, he rather leant too much to the side of burlesque, and that some of his characters—such as Stiggins, Chadbanci, and Uriah Heep—were grotesque exaggerations rather than accurate delineations. Here, however, we find the ■Stigginses and Chadbands in full blast, and doing a roarine trade. What if Dickens were alive now, and were asked to burlesque the present representatives of those reverend gentlemen? Great as indeed were his powers, this task would evidently be beyond them. Only two days ago I was in the coffee-room of an bote), waiting to meet a valued New Zealand friend, when a young prig, who I should guess was not much more than half my age, said be would improve the occasion by asking me to accept a tract. I said T would take the tract if he wished it, but told him I was a very ub-

promising subject for him, whereupon he smiled sweetiy ami said that he had no doubts as to the salvation ol his soul, &c., shaking his head in a manner which indicated the confidence of merit. He had a Bible in his hand, and was rapidly running through the leaves in search of a text with which to assault me, when the waiter came in saying my friend would be glad to see me, so I thought it a good opportunity to make my escape. Probably the prettiest suburb of London is that exten ling from | tligligate to Hampstead. It is a delightfully undulating country, with bright green fields, with trees of magnificent foliage, and placid sheets of water. For fifty miles round probably there is nothing superior in a scenic point of view. And here, on Sunday afternoons, people congregate to walk about and recreate themselves. One would think such a proceeding innocent enough ; but the modem apostles of holiness are determined they shall not enjoy such a pleasure without being insulted—so the posts |are plentifully placarded with little bills, such as “Are you going to hell or to heaven ?” Un one of these I observed a mischievous wag had written the words, “I am going to Hampstead.” Captain Boyton, an American gentleman, has been known for some time past as the inventor of a dress to be used for the purpose of saving life at sea. With the view of testing iti practical efficiency ho made an attempt some weeks ago to cross the Channel in it, but was obliged to give up the attempt owing to the approach of night. A few days ago he renewed the effort, and after being in the water for nearly twenty-four hours, succeeded in getting across. His arrival was celebrated by a dinner in his honor, where he said that though proud of having accomplished the feat, no amount of money should induce him to repeat it. The Queen and the Prince of Wales telegraphed messages of congratulation on his success. The mutineers of the Jefferson Borden have been committed for extradition to the United States authorities. Thus far no farther evidence has transpired except the statement of one_ of the men, William Smith. He complained of being persistently ill-treated by the captain and mates He said that the men had nothing hut salt-water to drink, and very little to eat, and that bad. • He had been kept on watch for thirty-six hours without food, and was ordered to do work tor which he had no strength. On one occasion he was knocked overboard, and was required to work immediately on being poked up, and though medij cines were given iiim he was allowed no time to rest. These statements will, of course, be properly sifted when the case comes before the United States tribunals.

Judgment has just been delivered in respect to the Tipperary election. It will be remembered that on the return of. Mr Mitchell, his opponent, Mr Moore, lodged a petition claim* iug to be the duly elected representative, inasmuch as Mr Mitchell was disqualified, and that he, Mr Moore, being the only other candidate, must necessarily be returned. The judgment just delivered sanctions this view, and Mr Moore accordingly will take his seat. This result was not altogether unforeseen by the supporters of Mr Mitchell, who would hare guarded against it by running a second candidate to come in between Mr Mitchell and Mr Moore if they had felt sufficient confidence of still commanding a majority for Mr Mitchell.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD18750803.2.10

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Evening Star, Issue 3882, 3 August 1875, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
3,918

OUR HOME LETTER. Evening Star, Issue 3882, 3 August 1875, Page 2

OUR HOME LETTER. Evening Star, Issue 3882, 3 August 1875, Page 2

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert