OUR HOME LETTER.

Evening Star, Issue 3857, 5 July 1875, Page 2

OUR HOME LETTER.

Tho political horizon abroad has become overclouded, and ominous rumors abound. The situation is this. It is notorious that Francs is arming with the view of revenge; and Germany, becoming alive to the exigencies of the position. asks herself whether she is bound to wait, with her arms folded, until the completion of preparations enables her antagonist to attack her with some hopes of success. It is said that there exists an influential party in Germany who strongly urge the inexpediency of such a course, sad represent that, as France is clearly arming for aggression, the obviously wise course is to anticipate her attack whilst she is yet weak, and effectually put it out of her power to re-enter on a war. 'Jhe Emperor of Russia is now' on a visit to Berlin. and all sorts of rumors are current as to what transpires. it has been said that the Czar will bs the channel (or convening a me-srge to France, requesting her to disarm, and that on the character of the reply will depend th j solution of the present situation. The German war party, it is said, advocates an immediate ttack, and the exaction of such terms as the session of Belfort and au additional indemnity of four hundred millions sterling, payable by twenty yearly instalments, with five per cent interest, and no power to anticipate the payment of principal. On the other hand, it is reported that the Czar’s inclinations are all in favor

of peace, and the balance «f potter certainly rests with him. From we have a •emi-oflcial contradiction to the report of ropresentationebaving been a ade by Germany to tbe French Government. As to the French Frees, it is unauimeai in protesting the moat fervent desire for peace mean* lug thereby, probably, that they do not see their way for & war just yet, Thera is, in fact, « perceptible change in th« tune of French journalism from that which it manifested » few menthe book. As for ear English Press, the language it holds is eminently characteristic, So long as Germany retains the annexed provinces it is not to be expected, of coarse, that France should be reconciled. That she should watch her opportunity, and snatch at the first ehauoe to get them back, is nothing more tktai natural, etc., etc. But for Germany, foreseeing the certainty of being again attacked by France, to forestall and frustrate her attempt—this is represented as a piece of damnable, unearthly wickedness. A controversy is going on between Get, many and Belgium. Some time ago a Bel. giau wrote to the Archbishop of Paris, offer, ingto assassinate Bismarck. This ootmnunioa , tien tbe Archbishop promptly forwarded to Berlin, and the German Government now demands of Belgium such a modification of its yeual code as to make the writing of snob letters punishable (for it seems that through some technicality they are net so at present) and generally to make such changes in its laws as will conduce to international amity by preventing the subjects of one power in* citing those of another to the commission of crimes. The reply of Belgium is that she will make such modiucation as may be adopted by the powers guaranteeing nor independence. It is almost certain that some changes will be agreed to; for, if the offer to assassinate be really not punishable, it is clear that it ought to be. In referring to the case of the Gaikwar of Baroda, 1 may perhaps he tolling a twice told talc, but 1 may remark that the affair is generally regarded here as a colossal blunder. He was suspended from his Government, and reatojed on probation. Then followed his trial for complicity in the attempted poisoning of Colonel Pbayre, and on his acquittal of that charge he is again deposed on account of “ notorious misconduct and maladministration.*' These facts, it is pointed out, were as patent before os after the trial, and to punish him now for offences apparently endorsed or passed over, mast wear the appearance of first trying to crush him by legal means, and, (ailing that, resorting to pare despotism. The situation is every way unhappy, and what makes it still worse is that it should occur after an almost ostentatious attempt to convince the native mind of the perfect fairness of onr administration,

Acting under a little pressure, which was exercised by Mr Disraeli’s placing a “Government night” at his dhp sal, Dr Kenealy has at last made bis long-threatened speech respecting the Orton trial. Ho moved for a commission of both Houses to investigate the circumstances rather than one of the Houle of Comm> ns, on the ground of its members generally being biassed, which he did not consider , was tbe case with the House of support of the prayer of his petition Dr Kenealy went into a long, rambling review of the arguments in favor of the claimant’s case, premising that his advocacy must not bj considered as arising from any particular personal esteem he felt for his client, though he somewhat singularly added further on that the claimant was one of the most perfect gentlemen he ever met with. Of course the acknowledgement of her .professed son by Lady Tichborne was made .the most of. Dr. Kenealy then quoted r jjome gossip to the effect that t ord Coleridge had himself as disbelieving in tie claimant’s identity, which, however, was immediately contradicted by a member of the House m whose presence the statement was alleged to have been made. The speech was concluded by a peroration intended to b<s eloquent and impressive, in which every description of mischief, evil, and ruin was predicted as certain to happen if the House refused the solicited commission of inquiry. Mr Disraeli’s rejoinder was made in his happiest style. With easy levity he disposed seriatim of the charges ur fe ed by Dr Kenealy on mere gossip and title-tattle against the judges; and, in a tone of mock seriousness, wound up his speech by expressing a hope that the Home of Commons would not como to an untimely end, even if it did reject Dr Kentaley’s motion, and trusting that the autieipation of its never meeting again might prove unfounded. His friend the Secretary for War, he sai 1, who was kept at home by indisposition, had not expressed to him the apprehension of any such serious danger aa a meeting in the army ; and, had Mr Cross feared any popular rising, he presumed he would have communicated the fact to his chief. As for biuself, he hoped he should reich home in' safety that night, bathe issue of the motion wuat it would. (To be continued.)