The Evening Star. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 5, 1874

Evening Star, Issue 3573, 5 August 1874, Page 2

The Evening Star. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 5, 1874

Mr Vogel having laid down the principle that uncertainty as to the future of the Pacific Islands “is calculated to cause considerable uneasiness to the neighboring Colonies,” arrives at the conclusion in his next proposition that the Colonies “ cannot regard without anxiety the disposition evinced by some foreign nations to establish a footing in the neighborhood, amongst the islands of the South Pacific.” We yesterday pointed to the two reasons that might render possession of the island groups by other nations detrimental to New Zealand’s interests—exclusive dealing, and strategic positions in case of war. We are not by any means convinced that the latter is a justifiable ground for desiring priority of occupation of an island. It must be evident that each acquisition, on such a theory, renders extension in every direction necessary, until at length so large a frontier would be presented needing defence or protection in some form, that occupation would be impossible. A time must come under such a plan of operations, when two colonising systems abut upon each other, unless it be assumed that Britons alone ai’e to colonise and occupy the islands of the Pacific. Just as ancient Home found it needful to extend dominion in order to secure each additional conquest ; just as the French find it necessary in Algeria to protect territory already gained, by reducing tribe after tribe to submission j just as Russia is compelled in Asia to protect every acquisition by conquering the neighboring peoples; just as it was found necessary to extend our Indian Empire, would it b© found needful to take possession of island after island, until at length our dominion and civilisation would

reach the outposts of those nations, who, like the French and Russians, had exercised a similar right of occupation to that we claim for ourselves. Thus we cannot but regard the idea of securing ourselves from the annoyance of troublesome civilised neighbors by pushing out our frontiers, in any other light than vain and illusory: yeyy pretty in imagination, and well sounding on paper, but very impracticable when the vast expanse of the Pacific Ocean, and the millions who inhabit its lands, are considered. But the reason set out by Mr Vogel for embarking in protection of this growing British frontier should not pass unnoticed, for it is suggestive of the true position of these Australasian Colonies in their relation to civilised Europe, He introduces this second proposition by the preamble: “ Intimately identified as the future of these Colonies will be with the Imperial Country, of which I am of opinion it is their ambition to remain dependencies.” Mr Vogel’s great idea is that at some not veij remote period of time the British Empire will include withiu it all English-tongued people. It is a magnificent conception, and one not altogether improbable, but from the nature of the case it must assume the form of a federation—a form of government in which no single State can be said to claim dominion over the rest. We look upon it that the Australasian Colonies, like federal America, are developing a form of society far in advance of that of Europe. The institutions growing up amongst us, although tinctured with the faults of the ideals after which they are formed, are adapted to social conditions qf a higher class than the outgrowths of feudalism prevailing in most European lands : our people will be more generally and far better educated, and just as the gold of the South has tended to the material

wealth of the Mother Country, our advanced social and political arrangements will beneficially affect society there. This tendency has already shown itself. The disestablishment of the Irish Church might have been postponed for a century or more, had not experience shown that in democratic America and Australia, true religion could flourish independently of State assistance; nor is it likely the ballot, the only remedy for corruption at elections, would have been adopted, had it not been found to work so admirably in South Australia and Victoria, There may be those who, comparing rich, powerful, and, as they think, learned Britain with these infant Colonies, overlook such considerations, not knowing the arguments used in Parliament at Home, or forgetful of some of the statesmen who as-

sisted to carry those measures. Of them, two at least brought to bear Colonial experience on those subjects, and have for years taken high positions in British rule : we allude to Messrs Lowe and Childers, men of no mean note in the British Legislature. If, therefore, no separation takes place in the component parts of the British Empire, or if ever the time shall arrive when the millions who speak the English language shall unite in one vast federation for mutual benefit, these Colonies will not rank as dependencies, but as equals : possessing equal federal rights and an equal voice in those questions which affect the federation as a whole. But in the meantime, what is our position 1 Mb Vogel’s preamble suggests it. As a dependency on the British Crown, we are liable to be involved in its vicissi-

tildes ; in quarrels with which we have no concern ; in wars in which we have no interest; in commercial disasters brought about by its faulty monetary system. If through these causes Great Britain suffers, the Colonies suffer too : in war their ships are liable to capture or destruction, their towns to pillage, and their harbors to blockade ; and in commerce the mere accident of a million or two of gold being in or out ot the coffers of the Bank of England, brings prosperity or ruin to thousands of families unable to comprehend the cause of such apparently commercial caprice. And in none of these things have the Colonies a voice. To this point attention should be directed. If the proposed South Sea Company is to succeed, one element of its success must be security in its operations ; and if Mr Vogel’s fear of foreign occupation be well founded, as under present circumstances it is, the first step should be to secure the immunity

of Colonies and Colonial trade from participation in the wars of Europe. We see no good reason why this cannot be obtained. It is found that in these Colonies men of all nations can live in peace and friendship with each other, and confer mutual benefits by their industry. They acknowledge the obligation of equal obedience to law with ourselves, and neither Briton, nor Teuton, nor Frank claims an advantage over the other. Precisely similar would be our relations with Colonies of other countries, could we but recognise that they have equal rights with ourselves. Adopt the law of conferring mutual benefit by intercourse, and instead of seeing in foreign Colonies objects of jealousy or apprehension, we should look upon them as likely to be far more profitable customers than the savage who “ wants but little here below,” and has not wherewith to buy what he wants. Our first object should be to occupy such positions as will secure to us the best and most advantageous stations in our ocean routes. They would become centres of commerce and production, and confer immediate benefit upon the Colony and the Empire.