The Evening Star THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 19 1874

Evening Star, Issue 3431, 19 February 1874, Page 2

The Evening Star THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 19 1874

We are so thoroughly identified with the Mother Country, that the election now in progress there has special interest for us. The general impression is that Mr Gladstone’s term of office is about to end, even if he have not already resigned. We think this result of the election quite possible, although we do not think it indicates change in the tendency of British legislation. The Home papers contain reports of addresses to their constituents by several able men, in which allusion is made to the altered feeling—not the changed opinion indicated by the elections that took place immediately prior to the dissolution. From them we obtain a glimpse of what has led to it. Mr Campbell Bannerman, M.P. for Stirling, addressing his constituents at Stirling, attributed it to the disregard of party tactics that had marked the measures of the Gladstone Ministry. In all representative institutions, where parties are nearly balanced, unless a Government is prepared to concede many things to secure support, sooner or later it will be placed in a minority. When the late Parliament was elected five years ago, the majority led by Mr Gladstone was so large that his Government felt themselves strong enough to disregard dU'cli tactics, and set themselves resolutely tb darty measures for the public

good, Irrespective of the consideration that their adoption would certainly tend to alienate some of their supporters. The consequence was foreseen; much was done “which had vexed and irritated powerful sections of the community.” . “ But,” asked Mr Bannerman, “ what sections were these ? They were sections whose privileges they had curtailed, whose monopoly they had broken down, and whose selfish interests they had made to yield to the public good.” Mr Bannerman, in the course of his speech, pointed out the inevitable effect of large majorities bound together by special objects. When these are in abeyance, they are united and act as one man; but on every other subject, believing the Ministry in no danger, each man seeks to ride his own bobby, and very often there are as many hobbies as men. But as one by one the measures on which the majority were united were carried, the “ hobbies” by degrees separated the riders from their comrades: the party became disintegrated, and fell to pieces by what may be considered a process of natural decay. In the course of progressive legislation every step taken requires supplementary action to give it effect. Every change involves many minor changes not foreseen, or, if foreseen by the promoters, not apprehended by their supporters, who, deeming them innovations, shrink from completing the work they have begun. The timid” the interested, and the waverers often stand aghast at the consequences they have helped to bring about, and taking their stand at a certain point, become conservative. They will sacrifice their party rather than go further. With the country there is no such hesitation ; and when a Ministry halts because of want of support from its former friends, the constituencies seek to place men in power from whom they can obtain what they desire. This we believe to be the position of Mr Gladstone’s party.

But it may be asked, what is to be gained by placing his opponents in povver 1 Possibly much. It must not be imagined that their accession to office means retrogression. It is impossible that tli© steps taken can be reversed. The Irish Church can never be again connected with the State; the ameliorations of the land system of Ireland cannot be annulled; the national education arrangements cannot be abandoned; the franchise cannot be curtailed; purchase of commissions in the army cannot be resumed ; vote by ballot will not be given up. Extensions of the principles that led to these just measures may take place, and from the weakness of the Conservative party they may be wrung. Mr Bannerman lather humorously alluded to this when he said “ the Conservatives in this (the late) Parliament had been in a desperate minority, in a state of hopelessness in regard to the attainment of office, and therefore there was no doubt—bo thought they themselves would admit it that many things had been done by them, many pledges had been given by them, and many motions had been carried by their aid in the House of Commons, of which he did not envy them the harvest they would have to reap when they did accede to office.” Mr Bannerman looks with some apprehension to the effect that “ throwing out the Liberal Ministry” may have “in discouraging those who, on the Continent of Europe, are now struggling in the interests of progress and enlightenment.” There is danger of this, but we do not think it serious. Mr Disraeli has no chance of retaining office excepting through constant trimming. He will have to trim to keep his own, followers in good humor; he will have to trim to please the advocates of Home Rule, of sectarian education, of trades unions, of the extension of the County Franchise, of the separation of the Church from the State. He is a practical trimmer, for it has been his political vocation from his youth; but it is a system that always fails in the long run, and must fail again. England may try the Conservatives once more, but the end will place them further in the rear than they have yet been.