A WOMAN’S RIGHTS DEBATE.

Evening Star, Issue 3279, 23 August 1873, Page 3

A WOMAN’S RIGHTS DEBATE.

In the Victorian House of Assembly in August, Mr Higinbotham, in the debate on the new Electoral Bill, moved a proposal to confer the right of voting on all females, and not merely upon female ratepayers. In the course of his speech he is reported to have said :—lt was only recently that the claims of women to the franchise had been heard in the world at ail, and it certainly appeared as if it would be a considerable time before their rights would be recognised.—(Hear, hear.) The claim had been made on behalf of women for equal political rights with men, and he confessed that the claim seemed to him to be one which, when made, it was very hard to find reasons for resisting.— (“ Hear, hear,” and “ No.”) He had he»rd it said that nature had made women different from men, and had heard that alleged aa a rea on why women should not be given the same political rights as men. The observation was no doubt a very just and true < ne, but it appeared to him that the conclusion drawn from it ivas absolutely and wholly irrelevant and fut’le. Being unable to see any ground for refusing the claim, he was glad and ready to recognise it, and ho made this proposal to the House principally on the ground that it would be one step, and an important stop, towards a general and complete political equality, which he thought it appeared to be the chief mission of this age to mike. As it had been said that this age was one of destruction of monopolies, undoubtedly an age of destruction of political monopolies, knd as this political monopoly was not one which was deserving of any more consideration because it was old, one of the principal reasons why he proposed to break this monopoly was because it could not be supported on any rational manciple which had yet been urged. It had been said that certain serious evils would arise if the franchise were given to women, and some hon. memb-.rs during the previous discussion had speculated on the probable effects which would be produced from the extension of political rights to women. He confessed this sort of specula rion did not very much commend itself to his judgment, fer it was very difficult to pursue it to a satisfactory end. So far as he could speculate on the probable results of the political enfranchisement of women, he believed its effects would not be at all injurious, hut on the contrary, were likely to be highly beneficial. With respect to women them selves, what were likely to be the effects of the adoption of such a measure? He supposed that so long as women did not set a very high value on political rights they would not be disposed very largely to avail themselves of the possession of those rights ; and he was free to confess that until women became sensible of the value of the rights, and learned to value them as rights, it was not at all to be desired that they should extensively use them. (Hear, hear.) At the same time there were no doubt very many women placed in a position in which they were deprived of those natural means and experience for pursuing their natural particular tendencies of character and thought, and who would be inclined and anxious to take a more active part than they were now permitted to do in the political affairs of the world. And if these women were disposed to take a part in political affairs, he believed nothing but benefit would result from their doing so. With regard to political life and action, he confessed that it seemed to him that the effect of women taking a part in politics was likely to be purely beneficial. If we could introduce political questions—he did not mean party questions, but questions connected with the social improvements of the conditions of society—if we could bring these within the scope of every family of the community and could make them household words, wo should do much to elevate the character of the pursuit of politics, and redeem the character of politicians in the minds of the community. that giving political power to females would have a strong tendency in that direction, assuming they were inclined to value and exercise the right. He believed that inclination would come—slowly, but in time and that in proportion as the right was valued and exercised, so would more humane and just and liberal views of politics and politicians be entertained throughout the land. Ho confessed that he speculated with very great distrust upon the effects of any change of this kind, and preferred to rest on the principle, which seemed rational and indisputable—that nature had made no inequalities, although she had created a difference, and that art ought not to create an inequality which nature had not made ; and inasmuch as there w 7 ere some females in the world at present claiming for their sex the same right as men to engage in political affairs, he was prepared on that ground alone to concede the claim. He did not expect to have the right conceded, but thought it was not unprofitable that such questions should be discussed on a suitable occasion such as this, as the discussion would tend to promote thought. His proposal, he thought, would extend the bounds of our political system advantageously to ourselves and to those around us. —Then followed Mr Furves, a barrister, who presumed that a majority of the candidates for the new Parliament were women, and that half the numbers returned would be women. How would they be allotted ? They would have equal rights, and were they to be dotted about the House, or were the women to be on one side or the men on the other ? He was speaking in sober earnestness. God made man, and he m ide woman, and the hon. and learned member could not pretend to say in sober earnest that there was not an indefinable something which made woman’s misrion to a certain extent sub-mission. If the hon, and learned member had been thrown in the society of one or two women of super-eminent ability, and had never seen or mixed with other women, he mieht say that he believed all women were his equal in all things, and his superior in many things; but people who had lived in society, and judged women by an intimate knowledge of numbers, knew better than that, and knew that the grand qualities which made woman loved and lovable were those which would incapacitate them from fulfilling legislative duties. Wherever the question had b.eu debated it had brought disgrace on its advocates and had put forward women in a false character. In America and other places the women who

represented the advocates for political rights 'were the most unsexcd and de-praved-in mind specimens of humanity wc could poadbly have. It had been said in a bad French proverb that women were the root of all evil; and look at all the mischief they might work by their presence in the political arena. We might have a female “chairman” of committees, or even a female Speaker of the House ; we might have some obstreperous young lady in the Assembly ; and when wo knew what women said of each other we could imagine what would be the result of their introduction into Parliament. If every office in the State was to be open to women as well as to men, the time might com« -when an unmarried young lady would occupy the Treasury bench as Chief Secretary, and if some prominent member of the Opposition fell head over heels in love with her there would be a more terrible mixing up of parties than existed at present. The hon. and learned member for East Bourke Boroughs complained that politics were degenerating into abuse, but he (Mr Purves) doubted if the mere introduction of a dash of sweetness in the shape of female representatives would qualify 7 the bitters at present noticeablein the composition of the A ssembly.— Mr Vale said if women were admitted into the arena of politics, it was reasonable to expect that for many generations they would not come absolutely to the front, or display that average of power that might be expected from men. The character of women’s intellect and influence would differ much from that of man, but it did not follow that it vi as not requisite to perfect legislation. He did not expect that men, who had so long monopolised political power, would surrender a portion of their privileges to the other tex without a struggle ; but the time would come when the question would command attention and calm consideration, and when its discussion would not be marked by a flippancy which could scarcely be called decent.—Mr Wrison considered t he real difficulties which women laboured under were social and not political. Many of their social wrongs could bo met by aa enlightened state of public feeling, but he doubted if they would b« adequately redressed by calling upon women to take a position in politics, for which admittedly at present they were not fitted. He did nob say that at some future time, when political life was purified and improved, women might not he able to take some share in it, but at present such a proposal would not receive his support, —Mr Wlutelaw believed that no true friend of women would advocate their enfranchisement. He was expressing the prevailing opinion of the sox when he said that not one in every hundred desired to possess the privilege proposed to be conferred upon them.— Mr Richardson had received letters from ladies—some of high position —re the action which had been taken. They might not exercise the franchise themselves, but they considered that at present a slur was cast upon the sex.—Mr Hanna had two good reasons for supporting the clause. Female ratepayers had exercised the municipal franchise with judgment and discretion ; and the Queen of England, who had been in political power for thirty-six years, had shown great judgment, and was the most popular crowned head in Europe.— Mr Burtt saw no reason to be alarmed at the enfranchisement of women. They voted at one time in this Colony. He saw a lady march up to the poll, with flying streamers, in 1857, and vote far Mr Michie. Women already exerted an influence in everything, good, bad, and indifferent. —Mr F. Walsh opposed the clause. If women were enfranchised, what class would go to the poll at the next general election? Not those competent to express an opinion, but rather the ignorant class, who were under the domination of men as ignorant as themselves.—Mr Lmigmore said the same thing had been stated of men. Women had been so long denied political rights, that he was not surprised they should now believe they had none. Why did they suffer from political wrongs ? Why were married women at the mercy of brutal husbands? Because they had no voice in the making of the laws under which they lived. He did not see why some members should make a distinction between female ratepayers and women in general, and contended that every women should have a vote. He did not see why it should be said that the franchise ought only to be given to women who were of good reputa tion, seeing that ft was given to men, no matter what their reputation was. The argument that there would be a special danger in associating women with men in that House was absurd, Whenever women had been admitted into public assemblies, their presence had had an elevating effect on men.— Mr M'Lellan said whatever grievances women now labored under, the giving them a vote would not assist the sex at all, but would have a degrading tendency, so far as it was concerned. The functions of women were of a far higher and nobler character than the recording of votes ; and ladies could not record their votes at polling places in cities without coming into contact with the moat depraved of their own sex. Their homes and families were neglected, and their firesides were perfect hell* on earth. (Cheers and laughter.) It was the noble function of women to watch the cradle, care for the aged, and attend to the sick ; but any ruffian might record a vote. (Laughter.) He should at once ask his wife whether she was to continue as heretofore, or whether she was to exert the functions and assume the responsibilities which had hitherto devolved on him.— Mr Walker maintained that the representative institutions of the country would never be perfect while women were excluded from the franchise. Ho believed that women could go to a polling booth in Victoria and vote without being insulted. It was absurd to talk about domestic duties constituting a difficulty in the way of giving women the franchise, because they would only have to vote about once in chree years. Notwithstanding the eloquence of its advocates, the proportion was negatived by 40 to 16, an overwhelming majority.