The Evening Star MONDAY, MARCH 24, 1873.
From the terms of the telegram received from Europe, it seems that Mr Gladstone’s Ministry has been defeated on the Dublin University Bill by a majority against him of three. We do not know that this is matter for surprise. It was one of those measures that was likely to enlist against him the animosity of the Conservative party, who have ever distinguished themselves by their opposition to all measures that have tended to popularise our institutions. An impression appears to have gone abroad that this defeat will necessarily break up Mr Gladstone’s Ministry. It may have had that effect, although we do not see that it follows as a matter of course. The Dublin University Bill, no doubt, formed part of that splendid series of reforms that have marked Mr Gladstone’s career, and which, as long as history endures, will render him celebrated for his courage, wisdom, and patriotism. Most of the reforms effected since the passing of the Reform Bill, in 1832, were foreshadowed half a century previously, but could not be carried because of the building up and strengthening of the Tory party by that weak, ignorant, and obstinate monarch George 111. Up to 1832, a Liberal Administration could not retain office; every improvement was opposed ; not one single measure calculated to induce progress, to remove financial burdens from the masses, to foster education, or to give religious liberty, was acceptable to the monarch or his friends. The abolition of slavery, the removal of Roman Catholic disabilities, the extension of the franchise, the removal of barriers to the trade of the Colonies, the repeal of the Corn Laws, the freedom of the Press, and a host of other measures, passed by Liberal Ministries since 1832, were rendered impossible through every influential post or office being filled up by Tories. Since that time they have continued their opposition, but public opinion has been too strong for them. Under pretence of protecting the interests of the people, they passed oppressive measures, detrimental to those for whom institutions exist. The aristocracy refused to listen to the demands for reforms the most urgent, and, to make matters worse, they compelled the country to pay the cost of those very means by which they were kept from successfully asserting their rights. Some of the most able men and clearest thinkers considered that the liberties of Great Britain were in greater danger during the reigns of the last two Georges, than during any period since the time of Charles the First ; and we believe they were correct. It was the knowledge of the people that saved them from tyranny. Many political events adverse to freedom occurred in the face of that advancing knowledge, bnt the undercurrent was working, and growing stronger and stronger ; liberal opinions could not be uprooted, and the system of Toryism fell step by step, so that very few of the old abominations remain. It is surprising with what tenacity those Tories cling to their traditions. Nothing seems to do them good. History does not render them wiser; experience which, it is said, makes even fools wise, brings no wisdom to them. They still continue to fight for privilege, no matter what abuse is connected with is. In every encounter knowledge has overmastered them, but they continue to array themselves against it. For a while they -seem to rally, and sometimes they are permitted for a brief space to hold office. Then “ they catch the Whigs bathing and steal their clothes.” They try to retain their seats by concessions respecting the very measures which they condemned while in Opposition, and ultimately have to retire, after paving the way by their acknowledgment of the justice of what they had opposed, for a more sweeping reform than even their adversaries dared to ask. This has been the result of their tactics since 1832 : this must be the result of their opposition now. Looking over the list of names who appear in opposition to Mr Gladstone’s measure, we observe many who, to a certainty, would have supported a thorough and complete reform. We conclude, therefore, that the Bill has been too much of a compromise, and that they are prepared to support something more decided in its character. Possibly, therefore, the Bill may be withdrawn, with a view to the introduction of a more liberal measure next session ; for wc hardly think that Mr Gladstone would stake the fate of his Ministry upon a measure of that character. It does not seem to be of the vital national importance to induce the belief that a Ministerial defeat on it is equivalent to a vote of want of confidence. The idea of Mr Gladstone’s resignation is not borne out by the terms of the telegram, although it is possible lie may have concluded to allow another Ministry to try its hand at government. What is stated is that the Ministry were defeated by 287 to 284, and that an adjournment was asked for : then rumor steps in, as rumor always does in such cases, and suggests that Earl Granville will probably reconstruct the Ministry. Beyond this we have nothing. Our contemporary the Daily Times, witli that acuteness for which it is so remarkable, sees in this crisis symptoms of a reaction in favor of Toryism. He need not tremble for the Colonies, nor perplex himself about what a new Government may do in regard to them, It is not because any
reaction in favor of Toryism has set in, that Mr Gladstone’s Ministry lias been defeated. Our conternpoiary may make up his mind that it is because the measure is too Conservative that it has been defeated, and that, when passed, it will be of a more liberal character, and go further than its promoters expected, or perhaps even desired.
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Evening Star, Issue 3149, 24 March 1873, Page 2
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973The Evening Star MONDAY, MARCH 24, 1873. Evening Star, Issue 3149, 24 March 1873, Page 2
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