The Evening Star SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1873

Evening Star, Issue 3112, 8 February 1873, Page 2

The Evening Star SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1873

It is a good sign for the world s welfare when there is so little-to attract attention in the doings of Courts and Governments, one with the other, as appears just now to be the case in Europe. Trade and industry, under such circumstances, flourish, and nations become wealthy. We must not, however, flatter ourselves that all tilings will go smoothly so long as mankind recognise the rights of Monarchs and their Ministers to deal with the, interests of large populations, just as if' men were puppets to be played with, and created merely to do their bidding. There is much of that feeling still remaining in European countries, notwithstanding the teachings of experience. Amongst the royal families of that quarter of the globe the idea of hereditary rights and succession to thrones .is still cherished and acquiesced in by large sections in France, and it is evidently intended by them to supersede the present form of government, and opce more to make a Bourbon king. There arc. no doubt, great advantages in having the succession fixed. It saves that periodical excitement that agitates every country for months prior to the election of President, where, as in America, men arc chosen for a term of years; b\it the history of every monarchical country proves that, to render their tlvrouoH stable, the power of rnonarehs should he limited. As in. Groat Britain, the pfime minister must bear the responsibility of measures pjeasipg or displeasing te the country, whether they originated with Royalty or not, and thus become.the scape-goat, should there be any royal sins to condone,. By this expedient, the sacrifice of the minister’s position saves that of the monarch, and the removal of the on# from office ig equivalent to a vote of

censure on tlic other. Perhaps, by no other means could the Hanoverian Icings have kept their sovereignty. Neither of the first two Georges was a favorite with the people, and the third, throughout his long reign, was perhaps one of the greatest drawbacks to the process of the country that a nation ever fiacf to contend with: That long reign was brought to a close fifty-three yeai.s atm. A summary of its disasters is given in one of Chambers’s works, as follows The death of George 111. was an event of no political consequence, as for ten years J u I,l ‘ been secluded under mental eclipse Jut his people reflected with a feeling of not unkindly interest on his singularly long reign-so long it was that few remembered any other -on jus venerable age - eighty-two -his irreproachable character as a family man -and the many iemarkable things which had fallen out in bis time. Amiable people of little reflection viewed him as “ the good old King,” the suppler o safe principles in Church ami State, the fnem of religion and virtue. Others, of keener intelligence, pointed to the vast amount o disaster which had been brought upon tit country, mainly through his wrong judgment and obstinacy—the American Colonies lost, a fatal interference with the concerns of Prance in 17! Id, an cnclangerment of the peace or tlio country through a persistent rejection or the claim for Catholic emancipation, lo these people the rule of George 111. appeared to have been unhappy from the beginning. He had never ceased to struggle for an increase of_ the kingly authority. He could endure no minister who would not be subservient to him. Any officer who voted against his favorite ministers in Parliament, lie marked in a black-list which he kept, and either dismissed him at once or stopped his promotion. A particular cohort, amounting to fifteen or twenty, in the House of Commons, were recognised as * the King s Friends,” from the readiness they showed to do his bidding and act for his interest on all occasions; and this unconstitutional arrangement was calmly submitted to.

Yet, in spite of those drawbacks, England’s Constitution saved the monarchy, while, during the present century, m Franco, not a King nor an Emperor lias been able to retain this throne. It appears, from our telegrams, that there is every chance of another experiment in kingship being tried there. The rival branches of the Bourbon family are said to have agreed who shall be considered the legitimate heir to the Crown, and we must not bo startled, if that report be true, at hearing intelligence that some attempt has been made to carry out t hat intention. No doubt the present position of the Government in Franco may lead to the expectation that some opening will present itself to effect this object. On the face of it, there seem more chances in its favour than could be calculated upon by the late Emperor w[ien he first bid for the position. On the other hand there have been great alterations in the available machinery. The faction that supported him in his daring efforts to climb into power has been crushed. The army is changed; the officers are changed ; and, though the republic does not appear to enjoy the hearty support of any class, the leaders of parties, pretty equally balanced, will not willingly rush into a repetition of those terrible disasters from which the country is slowly recovering. We imagine that one object sought for by publishing to the world these telegrams about the Bourbon princes is to remind the world that there arc Bourbons at liberty to take office, that they consider one representative of jbhc family inherits a Divine right to rule France, that they have chosen that one, that by the wickedness of some of the people the family arc debarred from entering upon their rights, and that the one they have chosen is ready to act whenever he is wanted. Those scraps of intelligence are to prepare the way by familiarising the French mind with the idea of, what we hardly think popular, the restoration of the Bourbons.