The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1872.

Evening Star, Issue 3062, 11 December 1872, Page 2

The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1872.

Tin- discussions al (lie Mining (’mdVrenee tend to show (hid. well or ill founded, there is much dissatisfaction in the minds of the mining population. This is to he regretted, not only because of its being pniuajorif evidence that -.ill is not right in regard to (hem. hut because if is most desirable (hat then* should he no feeling rankling in the hreast of any class that thev are placed at a disadvantage, compared with other industrial sections. So far as making a stand against any further alienation of a.nrilerons land is concerned, there cannot he two opinions. Although the preeious metals are the property of the Crown, whether (he land is sold or unsold, it is, to a great extent, within tin? power of the owner of lauded property containing them to pi’cient their being

rained for; or, to exact such Uvin> as would render raining unprofitable. To alienate large tracts of goldcontaining country, would, therefore, be a suicidal act, tending to impoverish the Province, and Colony, through shutting out the means of employing a large and thriving population. On scanning (be discussions that have taken place at the Mining Conference, it will become evident that on this and other points brought under eonsideraiion, strong feeling exists. The views of the speakers an* in some respects erode. They sometimes disjday imperfect acquaintance with principles ot equity towards other classes, and with, tin* relationship in which mining stands to other industries. Mr Minima, tor instance, in his ardent love of liberty, says some very hard {lungs about Ids neighbors in verv strong language. e look upon him. however, as a represent at hj e man, and would point out that if these expressions are felt to be justified in a Conference expressly convened to make public the opinions of the miners in regard to their own position in the State, much harder thoughts remain untold that it is most desirable should he at least so far considered, as either to show that they are unfounded, or if true, corrected. One point., however, is, we think, overlooked by the miners. They ask that certain provisions shall he made tor them for pasturage and other matters, forgetting that mining is an industry that springs suddenly into existence in a district where prior occupants have acquired rights that cannot he ignored. The right to take the gold over-rides all those, hut dot's not cancel or destroy them. It is something super-added, and tends to improve their value, we grant: although, in all probability, the fanner or squatter may not feel quite so comfortable and happy by his Arcadia being invaded by a popnhitifm of energetic, go-ahead miners. It may therefore he quite impossible to provide commonages for goldfields, however desirable such an arrangement would he. A goldfield is discovered, say on a run. and in a week those pastures, that were before browsed over by Hocks ami herds, are tenanted by some hundreds or thousands of miners. Ihe squatter has no claim upon the gold, hut he has leased the run ; and it must he plain that it would he unfair and illegal to deprive him of that for which he pays, according to agreement, merely because another man or a number of men find it their interest to take up their abode and follow their calling upon it. With regard to the purchase of gold by the we are afraid our mining friends will find, whatever resolutions they may arrive at with a view to their own profit. there are laws of commerce that will set them all at defiance. The price of gold is one that is settled, as Adam Smith says, of all commodities, by the haggling of the market, and money is becoming so plentiful that whatever hank is established, it will not give more than the current rate.

One of the most abb* papers we have seen has been drawn up by the Honorable the Colonial Treasurer, in reply to Lord KAmhehlev's despatch of the 19th April last. That despatch professed to be an answer to the Australasian Colonists on (he expression of (heir desire (o form a Zollverein. It might have been imagined that an arrangement so well calculated to foster and develope intercolonial trade, should have met with every encouragement at (he hands of the Imperial Government. Nor do we know (hat any impediment would have been placed in the way of such an arrangement had (he proposal merely extended to the regulation of trade amongst the Colonies. Vet even here (here was a difficulty. By the Australian Colonies Government Act. it is provided that if once a tariff of import duties is fixed by the legislatures of New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland, no matter what country an article is received from, the duty prescribed only is payable. No differential duties arc allowed. It follows, then, that if a Zollverein were established among the Colonies themselves for mutual benefit, and that, it was determined to import from each their native productions free of duty, no duty could be legally charged upon similar goods imported from other countries. By an oversight, or it might be by design, the clause was left out of the Constitution of New Zealand, so that a greater degree of liberty can be claimed by this Colony than by the rest of the Australasian group. In accordance with this exceptional power the Parliament of New Zealand, some two sessions ago, passed a "Reciprocity Bill; but it necessarily became fruitless, because the other Colonies were unable to reciprocate, and, in the words of the Colonial Treasurer, “a Colony cannot reciprocate with itself. But there was another feature in the Bill that met with the determined opposition of the Imperial Executive. It was thought by our statesmen that if the United States would relax their stringent protective tariff, and admit the wool of New Zealand either free or at a reduced duty, some concession might he made in the duties on American produce. This. ,L<*r(l lujiishrlev will not sanction. In his despateli he endeavors to show that such a power should not he entrusted to any Colony ; that it has a tendency to perpetuate the evils of protection, and that very possibly, in the exercise of such a power, a Colony might place some foreign country in a more favorable position Than the Mother Country. This we believe to he the real grievance. It is in reply to these arguments that Mr Yount, has forwarded a despatch. It is clearly and forcibly written, and forms a complete refutation of His Lordship’s position, by bringing to hear upon (he argument the stern logic of facts. Lord Iv hirer ley very elaborately points out that the Imperial Government, could not concede so much to any Colony, nor aggregation of Colonics ; lull he is met by the reply, that the very power asked by the Australian Colonies and New Zealand, bad already been granted to (he dominion of Canada, before its consolidation, and is continued. Very naturally, Mr Vogel asks why Canada should bo allowed privileges denied to the rest of the Colonial Empire? Hi' tells Lord Kimberley it does not appear that any great injury to (he Empire has resulted, or that any dilheullios have arisen through an indiscreet exercise of the power. The Australasian Colonies are equally loyal and attached to tin’ Empire as the Canadians : and it is therefore alike unjust and impolitic to make such an invidious distinction between them. To our thinking, the Colonial Treasurer lias far tin* best ol the argument. He concludes by the follow mg passage :

The (|uo.stiou therefore is - A\'lietbcr the Australian Colonics shall he shut out from powe.s which New Zealand possesses, which the British American Provinces have for a Ion." time ex ercised, and which, it is to he assumed, the Australian Colonies did nt receive through their Constitution Acts, only because somebody supposed that such legislation wool conflict with Imperial Treaty obligations, which supposition, after careful investigation, has been found not to be warranted? In another form,

the question is—Whether, on account of a new Imperial policy, an accidental disability, affecting only some of tiic Colonics, shall be continued and confirmed, to the injury of them all? A new policy has not grown up in the Colonies. They are as loyal and true to the Empire as when their Constitution Acts were granted ; and the powers they all seek are asked for in a spirit which is in no sense hostile to the Empire, and which lias not grown out of any feeling which can be construed into evidence of a. desire to weaken the connection, or render less friendly the relations, between the Colonics and the Mother Country.

AVe do not expect that (lie English Government will give way until virtually compelled. Tire remark holds good now that was penned by Adam Smith one hundred years ago“ In everything oxeept their foreign trade, the liberty ol the English Colonists to manage their own a flail's (heir own way, is complete. ’ Much has been gained since (hen, and now (he last rag remains, to which the Imperial Government will cling unlit compelled by force of public opinion to give way. Mr Vou-wr/s ideal is to unite the whole Empire in one. grand Customs Union. It is a brilliant idea, perfectly possible of realisation, very advantageous, but time will be necessary---perhaps many years—to prepare the public mind tor its reception.