The Evening Star THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1871.

Evening Star, Volume IX, Issue 2730, 16 November 1871, Page 2

The Evening Star THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1871.

Ip the Legislative Council had consulted its own dignity, it would have hesitated before committing the errors in judgment that have marked its proceedings. Nothing can be worse for a man’s reputation than to be continually taking up positions in life which are untenable, and Legislatures in this respect do not differ from individuals. We are not by any means of opinion that the Immigration and Public Works Bill was a perfect measure. Every Act passed by a popular Assembly, of necessity contains concessions to popular feeling not justifiable by sound reason. A government, however strong, must sometimes yield to the prejudices of its own supporters, who, to a greater or less extent expx-ess the opinions of those by whom they were elected. It rarely happens that these prejudices are altogether harmless. Keason as men may on popular representation, it is impossible for the ablest to decide correctly without full information, and utterly impossible that constituencies can agree upon the details of measures proposed in Parliament. It should be therefore the special province of an Upper House to examine those details carefully, and if they are likely to prove mischievous to expunge or so alter them as to render them powerless for injustice and proraotive of good. But the Legislative Council has not confined itself to these most important duties. They have taken upon themselves so to alter some of the Bills sent up to them for revision, as totally to destroy their principles. For instance, the proposed appropriation of money as provided in the Payment to Provinces Act, would have deprived the Provincial Councils of the control of one-half of the amount. In this case, in addition to the mischievous character of the alteration proposed, the question is raised whether the Council did not step beyond their powers, and commit a breach of privilege by interfering with what is virtually a money Bill; and it is this question that has to be settled at Home, In the Immigration and Public Works Bill, as we supposed, the objection raised is to a provision that immediately affects the magnates of the Council, It is mainly to throw possible taxation off their own shoulders on to other people’s. The taxing clauses related mainly to branch railways, which when constructed benefit special districts. The people living in those districts, like those residing in road districts, will naturally seek to derive every possible advantage from the improved means of communication within their reach. To those acquainted with the invariable result of railway construction, it will be nothing strange that the property in the district will be multiplied many fold in value by being brought into rapid and cheap communication with a centre of commerce. The cost of even an expensive railway is nothing com pared with the benefit to the farmers and squatters of the district. Ground that previously would not pay to work, becomes at once available for production ; carriage on wool is cheapened, sheep and cattle are sent for slaughter in high condition, and fetch better prices, and thus money is poured into the coffers of all who arc fortunate,

enough to own or lease land in the neighbourhood. But, as we pointed out last night, this does not suit our Upper House. It does not coincide with their views to risk money for their own immediate benefit. If a branch railway be made at the Waitaki, Southland and Dunedin, by their ruling, must be taxed for its construction and maintenance. The principle that has always been acknowledged to be a sound one, that he who reaps the profit should bear the cost, is to be departed from. That which has proved by experience to be sound policy in regard to roads is to bo set aside because we suppose the prefix rail is placed before the word road, as if that altered its character as a means of transit; and the ever recurring phase of rich men in power taxing other people for their own special gain, is once more presented to public view. We should have been glad if Otago had been spared the humiliation of one of its nominee members taking a lead in this unrighteous matter. As for Mr Sewell, he may be excused on account of his verging on his dotage. Colonel Whitmore never was remarkable for anything beyond conservatism of exploded traditional policy : the experience of Mr Holmes should have taught him a different lesson. This much is however certain, that no act nor succession of acts done by the Legislative Council since the passing of the Constitution Act has done one-half so much to bring it into contempt as its conduct during this session.