The Evening Star FRIDAY, AUGUST 18, 1871.

Evening Star, Volume IX, Issue 2653, 18 August 1871, Page 2

The Evening Star FRIDAY, AUGUST 18, 1871.

The Government lias hud to run the gauntlet and to roped the attacks weak and strong that are commonly made on the reply to the address -They have also had to undergo the ordeal of a division on a somewhat ticklish point; and judging by the result, they appear to iiavc a decided, if not a large majority. Nothing is so taking a subject as one connected with the manner in which postal or telegraphic facilities are used. There is something in the mystery in which the operations of these powerful civilising agents, that gives a little romance to everything connected with them : and just as imaginative minds gaze upon the stars, and speculate upon the eternity of space that lies beyond the utmost stretch of human vision, do some people long to know all about the messages sent by telegraph. Besides there is such room for the exhibition of high political integrity in the severe and virtuous condemnation of corrupt governments, using a corrupt staff, for corrupt purposes. One hardly knows how to apply these terms to our circumstances in New Zealand, They do not seem to have the same significance as in the times of historic persons, such as Wolsey, or Walpole, or Bacon, who are supposed to have had their own or friends’ interests to serve at the public expense. In these days, and in this Colony, corruption of that sort can only be practised to a'very limited extent, and must be as skilfully managed as the sale of the Island Block and some other little jobs in the Province, that we only hint at to show what might be done if there were not so many argus eyed spectators, anxious right or wrong to show up the worst side of a transaction. But there are manifest absurdities in supposing that any advantage could have resulted from such an enquiry, as Mr Collins instituted, when he asked for a return of the “names” of persons to whom free telegraphic messages had been sent. It would have been a very dry and very incomplete volume without the nature of the communications being made;’ known also, and then, since at the bidding of an M.H.R. that which was told in secret would be proclaimed from the house tops, farewell to the utility of the electric wire. The motion can only be looked upon as a trial of strength, and the Government has gained the throw. We know sufficient of the character of tbo debate on the Address now, to enable us to form some slight idea of how possibly matters may shape themselves. There are evidently two rival Opposition leaders—Mr Stafford and Mr Gillies. They are both able men, but neither is likely to work with the other. They differ in style of thought and in their mode of going to work. So far as can be judged by the past, and by what has passed during the present session, there is far greater sympathy between Mr Stafford’s views and those of the present Government than between him and Mr Gillies. Looking forward, therefore, to a possible reconstruction of the Ministry, Mr Stafford is far more likely to give his assistance to the policy adopted, than by an abrupt change of system to undo all that the Ministry have been doing for the complete pacification of the country and the opening up of the interior. Mr Gillies’s violent programme breathed defiance based upon prejudice. He seemed as if he had gathered his information from the atmosphere of a Provincial Council. He could not deny that there was acl vantage to be derived from the San Francisco Mail Service, but New Zealand was of such small importance that a branch from Fiji would answer our requirements. Here spoke an Auckland man anxious for extension of trade with Fiji—the encouragement of trade between Dunedin and Melbourne is with him a very secondary affair. Then Mr Fox, who no doubt has accurate information, gave an account of the broken councils of tho natives, of their increasing wish for peace, and of their gradually becoming weaned from war to work. As these are facts which there is no gainsaying, the only question regarding them is what do they indicate 1 To an unprejudiced mind they point only to one conclusion, and that is that the Government policy towards the natives is in accordance with the requirements of the case. But since this would not suit the purpose of Mr Gillies, he will not believe the facts. No man is so blind as he who will not see. It is very easy to say that the Government are pursuing the very policy that produced the war. Many old Colonists say the same. They can sec likenesses but they overlook differences. They can see the conciliatory policy but they forget the absence of British troops who did the fighting for us: of army contracts, of a great number of influential men interested in getting up and

perpetuating a war. They forget that in the times they refer to the natives were united under powerful and influential chiefs; that they were as numerous as the Europeans; that there was no highly disciplined and well organised constabulary; that no military positions were in the hands of the Colonists ; that there are now roads in many directions leading into the fastnesses which formerly Avere such impregnable native fortresses. While, therefore, there is a likeness, a common feature, in all conciliatory measures, in their result lies the solution of the question. Are they the concessions of Aveakness or the gifts of strength! If the first, they might be necessary. If the latter, advisable. We hold to the last position. We never did question the ability of the Colonists to exterminate the native race ; but we consider it more humane and far less costly to make them peaceable citizens.