CONFEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE.

Evening Star, Volume IX, Issue 2635, 28 July 1871, Page 2

CONFEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE.

( Continued .) Other reasons might oe given in proof that this; great question of disintegration, or;consolidation, demands a settlement.',,At\p/e-------scat it might be dealt withoftlmly and com*

prchensively : hereafter, in face of a pressing emergency, it might have to be dealt with hastily, and v ithout reference to the large in en sts involved. To those who are apt to reduce everything, even national greatness, to a mere money question, I am quite free to admit that disintegration means more wealth, less risk, less resp:>nsibilitj r , less, in fact, oi all those cares which accompany greatness : but I say that it means also that Great Britain is to be a shrunken second-rate power, the day of whose influence in the affairs ot the nation < will soon pass away. The choici lies between an empire, mighty for all time, and a little state, powerful after a fashion because of its wealth, and because of its extreme desire to avoid all war, and to make all tilings agreeable to all nations. 1 f disin tegration is to be the choice of the people oi Great I ritain, then matters colonial may he left to their own course ; the break up of tin empire will sooner or later be a lact, and once commenced, it will proc ed very rapidly. But if, as I believe, disintegration, or the policy that leads to it, will be the choice of none but the small st ction of the people which subordinates all national questions to pecuniaiy considerations, then let us see what remains to be done. There must be an end to the principle or the policy that it shall he in the power ot any colony at any time to secede from the empire. America must be no more quoted as an instance of how a colony became free, in spite of the empire, though it may well be quoted as an example of the folly with which Great Britain misgoverned a colony which, if ordinary prudence had b’.cn shown, would have been as reluctant to separate herself from the mother country ns would be any one of the great colonies of the present day. If an example from America x< wanted, let the country take that grand one she sets to the world, when she refuses at all hazards, and regardless of all cost, to allow the union tq be broken up. If a furthar lesson be required, let it be con sidered how mighty a position Great Britain would occupy if America were still one o( ber dependencies. Even Spain can afford ns a great example, for in the midst of all her difficulties she has never consented to pari with Cuba. I have no doubt that to mam of tbose.persons who dread that Gn at Britain should .inter fere with anything with which she is not absolutely forced to interfere, it may seem terrible that she should undertake the responsibility of conserving her own territory. But how can we expect that national hardihood and vigor will survive a constant policy of nervous dread of the consequences of pursuing the plain, straightforward ways which nations much less powerful deem .to be inseparable from the preservation of their national character. I am very sorry that the colonies have to *uch an extent been led to consider themselves at liberty to leave the empire whenever they choose. Yet so distinctly has it been held out to them that their future was that of independent nations, that if Great Britain promulgated a constitution the cardinal point of which was a federal union between the colonies and the mother country, the question might be raised whether she had not been guilty of bad faith. That a nail section of the colonists do look forward t j such a future, I believe ; and that some of those who would dread anything of the kind, and -who would pronounce in favor o confederation if they were consulted, wonl yet bitterly complain about bad faith, if any measure of confederation were forced upon them, I can understand ; but the difficulty, after all, is one that could easily bo met. I am •■confident there is not a single British colony in which the great majority of the people are otherwise than favorable to a continuance of union with Great Britain ; and all ground for pretence of bad faith won hi be cut away by an Act of Parliament promulgating a federal constitution, but leaving to each colony the option of accepting it within a stated time, or of seceding from the empire. 1 have no doubt that if such choice were offered, of becoming members of a federal empire, or of ceasing to bo a dependency of Great Britain, the colonies, without an exception, would chose the former, greatly preferring to remain integral parts of the British empire.. Let us look at the option from a colonial point of view. It would be recognised that any colony which chose to see* de must for along period be but a very small and powerless country. It would not only be exposed to the inconvenience of constant disputes with its neighbors, but there would certainly also be risk of its being drawn, into actual war In very rare instances only would there be .amongst the people of the seceded dependency gucb an agreement to the ,form of government to be adopted as would prevent irritating discussions respecting that form, or as would even guarantee it against civil war. For the money which it would require to borrow in foreign markets an ex-British colony would have to pay some such rate of interest as South American republics have now to pay. The value of the security which as a colony it could offer musfc.be immensely depreciated by secession. A very important, if not a very numerous section of its population would certainly object to wb.at they would regard as playing at independence, no less than they would object to a direct transference of allegiance from Great Britain ; and spoil objectors would realise their property and go elsewhere. The ease would bo very different frem that of America, where, in the very act of secession, a new patriotism was built up. On the other hand, were the colonies federated, and parts of the greatest nation in territorial possession, and, unquestionably, the mistress of the sops, the colonist would feel that there was a larger destiny for bis adopted home and f r himself. The colonies once, recognised as integral parts of the British empire, they could bp.riw money much cheaper than they are able to do while they occupy their present uncertain position .t-there would be an end to the doubt which now recurs whenever a colony goes into the money market— 1 How long will it remain part of the empire Such a confederation ef the empiie would undoubtedly throw upon the colonies some expense for federal purposes ; but 1 believe that such expense would be as nothing ci.pipared with the increased value pf polonial property which would follow directly from a declaration that the colonies were, and would remain, integral paits of the empire. Besides, colonists would not object to making reasonable contribution towards the cost of purpi ses really national, if they had a voice, however small, but relatively fair, in deciding as to the manner in which the money should be expended, [To he. cot tinned.)