The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1870.

Evening Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2379, 16 November 1870, Page 2

The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1870.

We scarcely thought' it necessary to give more than a passing notice to the 2lly leader that appeared in the columns of our contemporary, respectin" 1 what ho conceives to ho the popular feeling in Great Britain respecting the reigning family. It appeared very inopportunely, and was evidently written by ono who is little acquainted with the domestic history of England during the past century, or ho would not no readily have arrived at the conclusion that our native land was fast verging towards republicanism. Wo do "not think it needful to refer to authorities on matters that have come within the range of our own memory or observation, to prove that no con-

elusion such ns our contemporary has i arrived at is deducihle from a mob < gathering in one of the London Parks. : It seems to have been a very harmless affair—very different from mootings in the Northern manufacturing towns, which it has fallen to our lot on many occasions to witness. For our own parts, wc believe that the desire for republican institutions in Great Britain is confined to a very small section of the people, and that, so far from its increasing, it has been for many years on the decrease. Those who arc passing into the “ sere and yellow loaf remember well the undercurrent that prevailed at the close of the war waged from 1793 to 1815. That war was professedly undertaken by the crowned heads of Europe to suppress republicanism. It was one of the first lessons that “ true-blue ” Tories used to impress upon their children’s minds, that the war with France was necessary to prevent the spread of republican ideas. It was a very rough way of trying to do so ; and had there been no wiser counsels than those which led to the war, England might perhaps have been at this day a republic. The Royal Family at that time were not by any means favorites with the workingclasses. What Alison says of France might with equal truth be said of England—“ All classes, except the pri- “ vileged ones, were discontented, and “ the universality of the disaffection “ proves the existence of grievances “ affecting all classes in the Shite.” The Prince of Wales, afterwards George the Fourth, was an abandoned debauchee, openly and freely condemned on account of his vices ; despised by all good men, and presiding over a Court that he had rcndcied a nest of profligacy by his shameless orgies. His Royal Highness of today, whatever his faults, is a pattern of morality compared with his greatuncle. The feeling of the people was expressed by banding themselves together in secret societies. Those were the days when good men were imprisoned for speaking the truth, as in the case of , the amiable poet, James Montgomery. There were secret conspiracies—plans to assassinate the King. There were open-air meetings, such as that at which the celebrated democrat, Hunt, used to address a hundred thousand people. In one particular instance, at Peterloo, the meeting was charged by the Yeomanry Cavalry, numbers were 1 killed and wounded, and the speaker ' arrested. They were the days when ; Cobbett and Sir Francis Burdett, Daniel O’Connell and Fergus O’Connor, were marked men. Shortly after the accession of George the Fourth, 1 there was the Cato street plot. It is described by a writer of the day as being “ one of the most desperate “ policy that could have been con--1 “ ceived by bad men for the worst : “ purposes ; the object contemplated “ being to overthrow the existing Go- “ vemment, and plunge these realms “ (the United Kingdom) into anarchy “ and lawless confusion. This, as it “ appeared, was to be effected by the “ assassination of His Majesty’s Minisi “ ters.” This plot was conceived by Thistlewood, who held republican opinions as then understood, and had 1 been a visitor in France during the | “ reign of terror.” Speaking of the • condition of the North of England at ’ that time, the same writer says \ “ The spirit of discontent had been a “ lengthened time smothering, and at “ last broke forth in*some districts in • “ a very appalling manner. About “ the middle of March much alarm “ prevailed in and about Glasgow—it “ being known that numbers of the “ class of artisans and others, who “ wished to pursue their quiet avoca- ' “ tions, unmixed with the noisy tur- ; “ moil of political convulsions, had 1 “ been repeatedly menaced by the - “ adherents of riot and confusion.” A proclamation, supposed to have oma- » nated from “ The Committee for the “ formation of a Provisional Govern- “ ment,” was posted on the walls rc- . commending manufacturers to suspend employment until order should be ensured by that organisation, and denouncing as traitors whoever by force 1 of arms or otherwise should attempt to oppose their dicta. So far did this 1 attempt at republicanism proceed, that a collision between troops and people took place on the road leading to Falkirk. Those were the days of Lud- . dites, Radicals, Chartists, and other , political factions, whose doctrines in- , variably are brought prominently to : light on the recurrence of every European commotion, but the demonstrations of which have become harmless in proportion to the spread of political equality. The Reform Bill of 1832 gave tho death-blow to their influence. From that day to this there has been a gradual amalgamation of political feeling amongst all classes of society. Much remains to be done ; but there is little doubt that the -working of the new Reform Bill will bo equally benelicial with that passed during the reign of William the Fourth. 'Every political commotion on the Continent has been followed by meetings of svmpa-

thiscrs in England ; but the best proof of their harmless character is that no j such precautions appear to have been , thought necessary in the late in- , stance as weie adopted in anticipation of the Chartist meeting about the date France expelled Louis Piiileippe, when gabions were placed on the parapets of the Bank oi England, and a body of troops was posted within its walls to defend its treasures. The tradesmen of London may find fault with Her Majesty for not encouraging an expensive Court. Their forefathers used to complain ot previous monarchs for being too lavish with their money and getting into debt. So far as our judgment goes, Royalty never was in less danger in Great Britain than at present; and as for Her Majesty enjoying herself at Balmoral, we look upon it as a sign that her Ministers wore not very much alarmed at the state of affairs in Europe, or at any rate did not think it nrudent to shew it.