The Evening Star TUESDAY, APRIL 5, 1870

Evening Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2157, 5 April 1870, Page 2

The Evening Star TUESDAY, APRIL 5, 1870

Some idea of the true point of difference between the statesmen of Great Britain and those of the Colonies may he formed from the statement by Earl Granville that the mother country is prepared to defend the outposts of the Empire l{ with her last man, her last slap, and ‘ her last shilling.” To many this may

appeal’ inconsistent with that nobleman’s pei’sistent refusal to aid in the suppression of the Maori rebellion. But it is just the difference between an attack from without, and disorder within. Lord Granville’s idea is that every British community should be able to maintain order within its own boundaries; and although New Zealand is in an exceptional position, compared with the Australian Colonics, that are scarcely troubled so much with a .Native difficulty as with a criminal class of their own, he considers our population is fully able to deal with the Natives without British aid. We believe he is right, although in view of the large share that the Imperial Government had in creating the difficulty, the expense ought, to a great extent, to have been borne at Home. But the declaration of his Lordship is suggestive of the very unpleasant fact that the justice of defending the outposts of the Empire to the last extremity arises from the liability of the Colonies to suffer from Imperial quarrels. Amid all the discussions that have taken place at Home, the practical has been sacrificed to the theoretical. Fine spun theories have been woven concerning the greatness of an Empire extending over so vast an area of the earth’s surface, and imagination has depicted the glories of a people united in language and paternity, and owing allegiance to one Sovereign, We do not deny that this welding together of a number of rich and influential nations, however scattered, into one magnificent empire, tends to invest them, united, with a power and influence on the world’s future that as integers they could never exert. It is a step towards that grand consummation to which every discovery in science and every improvement in locomotion tend, the acknowledgment of a common interest in the common prosperity of all nations of the earth. But before this ultimate result of knowledge and the universal acknowledgment of a common standard of international right and wrong take place, there must be many disastrous wars and fightings. The old ideas of territorial aggrandisement are not yet wiped out from monarchical governments, and these outposts of the British Empire are liable to suffer from quarrels in which, morally and socially, they are as little concerned as if they were situated in the moon. Their lands are open to emigrants from all nations of the earth —there is no exclusion. Even a subject of a nation at war with the Mother Country might dwell safely on any colony, and follow his usual avocations, Without the slightest molestation, so long as he conformed to the laws and institutions of the place, and did no act to identify himself with the national enmity. Whoever desires to partake of the facilities afforded by these new nations for profitable exertion of labor or investment of capital, is welcomed by them, no matter whether European, African, American, or Asiatic. There is no exclusion. On this ground they may fairly claim to be neutrals in any of the wars of the old world. To attack them excepting for the purpose of diverting British force from the defence or attack of some other point, would be a wanton act of aggression; for the transference of the allegiance of a Colony to another Government could not impoverish Great Britain, nor enrich the conquering nation ; while the plunder and devastation of it would not repay the cost of the armament. It is somewhat surprising that with these self-evident facts before them, the Colonies have not pressed upon the Home Government the advisability of securing them from the consequences of all participation in Imperial quarrels. No doubt the haughty answer of the British Government would be that the power of Great Britain was equal to their protection. But this should not suffice, for all history gives the lie to it, and science points to its fallacy. The Northern United States, with a naval power nearly equal to Great Britain, had its commerce destroyed by the raids of a single vessel. Not all the forces of the British Empire could ensure the safety of a single dependency in case of wars, and yet we go on day after day, laboriously building up cities that an hour of conflict might lay desolate. We have often urged this point, and have occasionally been weakly seconded by other journals. So long as the world remains at peace it is of no moment, but it is only then that with dignity the Imperial Government can enter into negociations to secure Colonial neutrality; and if the Colonies do not press for it, nothing will be done. It is time Colonial Governments urged this view upon the Imperial Legislature, and it is inconceivable that it has not been done before.