The Evening Star MONDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1870

Evening Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2126, 28 February 1870, Page 2

The Evening Star MONDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1870

By the Last mail but one, intelligence reached ns of the agitation going on at Homo with regard to Colonial relations with England. We were treated with a story of the indifference ot Earl Granville to all Colonial connections, and especially to retaining Now Zealand. At one of the meetings idr Edward Wilson read a letter descriptive of his Lordship’s indifference to onr sufferings, wants, and interests, written by someone who had hail an interview with him. The last mail brings a full explanation of the matter from the Earl’s own lips, and fully bears out the opinion we expressed at the time, that some unauthorised meddlar, actuated, no doubt, by the best intentions, had called, and out of the treasures of his Colonial experience, had treated Earl Granville with a little of his mind.' The explanation was given at a deputation’ appointed to wait upon the Earl to remonstrate with him for discouraging the idea of a Colonial Conference; and as we have no doubt the majority of our readers will feel interested in his Lordship’s opinions, in lieu of our own comments we present them with the following report, taken specially for the Melbourne Argus , and published in that paper on the 19 th instant: — I must first acknowledge the courtesy with which all those who have spoken have addressed mo. Lord Bury, Mr Wilson, and others have explained to me that it was a misconception of mine to suppose that the invitation to hold a colonial conference was conceived in any spirit of hostility to the Colonial Office, 1 rejoice to hear it, although the misconception was not unnatural on my part. The circular was sent to all the principal colonies without any previous communication with me, owing, as it appears, to an accident. The proposal was based on a description of Her Majesty’s present colonial policy which I repudiate—on the had relations existing between England and her colonies, which I do not admit, and upon the inefficiency of the Colonial Office. After the circular was sent, I was officially informed of it by the three gentlemen who had signed it, and I thought it my imperative duty to inform the respective Governors of the views 1 took of the proposal. Since then the meetings have been held in which the Colonial Office and our colonial policy have been discussed with perfectly legitimate freedom, but hardly in a spirit of friendliness and of cooperation, I am glad to learn that I was mistaken as to the intention of the promoters, but that consideration was entirely put aside in my circular addressed to the Governors. 1 only made two objections—lst, that 1 did not think the proposal would be agreeable to the colonies ; 2nd, that I did not believe it would accomplish the objects proposed. The first objection seems to have been fully confirmed during the last four months. Lord Bury, indeed, says that the approval of the colonies has been stopped by my circular. Is it, however, credible that large, free communities, if they had a great grievance, and thought this proposal was the best way of meeting it, would allow a mere circular from the Colonial Secretary instantly to stop and paralyse the scheme? If this is so, I can hardly conceive a greater proof of the satisfactory relations existing between the colonies and myself, and the great confidence they are inclined to place in this office. 1 do not know of any quarrel with any one of them, excepting in the peculiar case of New Zealand, which is anything hut of the most trivial and routine character. Different speakers seem to have taken different views as to the objects of a standing colonial conference. Some think that it should be for the purpose of changing and defining the relations of this country and the colonies; others that it should be for the purpose of supplying knowledge of a local character. There seemed to he an absence of opinion to-day as to any definite scheme for revising the colonial relations. Most of the gent emeu present wished something to he dome to cement and consolidate them. Now, 1 know that Lord Grey proposes (as is seen by his letter) that there should be a conference to consider a scheme which he has in his own head, hut which is based upon the colonies being willing to give up some of their freedom of action. My firm conviction is that it would bo better for those large colonies, taking population and wealth and education into consideration, not to give up any portion of that self-government which they now enjoy. I believe that that would not be a solid base upon which any plan of that sort, even if desirable in itself, could be founded. Lord Bury, as I quote from an interesting chapter in his hook, would desire to have a conference for another purpose, viz., in order to lay down at once in a friendly manner the terms on which, at some future time, the Colonies should separate. I have no jealousy ns to the freest discussion of any of these points; hut unless I see that it is the wish of the Colonies that such a conference should take place, and until I have some plan to propose to such a conference, I can take no initiative in the matter. As to the assistance of such a conference for local information, I have always been told that there exists considerable jealousy in the Colonies of tho Colonists residing in this country, while, on the other hand, mo t of the principal Colonies have hero ei her permanent rr temporary agents. The Duke of Manchester alluded to the transfer of the Hudson’s Bay territory. Without, discussing the policy of that measure, I must say that the transaction of it was a matter of great, d fficulty. Tho Dominion sent over two of their own statesmen t» negotiate with us. They would ceriainly never have consented to the interference of delegates from tho West Indies or the Cape, and I doubt whether, with such interference, any conclusion would have been arrived at. If you conquer the difficulties in detail as to the proportions of delegates or votes which each Colony is to have, and the degree in which the Imperial Government is to be represented, the constant advice of such a body would at the same time embarras the Minister snd diminish his responsibility.

Would Victoria like to receive, contrary to her own policy, instructions from me founded on the opinion of a great majority of representatives of other Colonics? The proper mode of communication with the selfgoverning Colonics is directly from the Secretary of State, who is responsible to the l'r>'Wn and to Parliament, through the Governors to the Colonial Governments who represent the majority in each Colony. It has been stated that I have expressed a wish that England should be separated from her Colonics. Sir George Grey, who has taken an ac'ivc part in this matter, and whom 1 regret not to sec here to day, is report's! to nave asked whether it was tolerable that a Minister sitting quietly in his room at the Colonial C'fllee. should toll the Colonies tba 1 . (hey w re at libertv to separate from England. I presume this statem nt is base lon an ext act from a letter read by Mr Wilson at a meeting, in which his eorresp indent, after d. scribing a conv r.-«a,ti<>n with me, stated that in efT'ct I hal said that s--pa-rat on was a matter more for the con.Jdcration of the Coh-ny than for that of Eng land, and that if the Colonies thought it was for their good they had bettor no. The writer of the letter in question called upon me some weeks ago, with a note of introduction. He was gentlemanlike, intelligent, and pleasing in manner ; but ha 1 probably not been much used to reporting business discussions. He repealed to me one by one most of the criticisms which have been circulated on me and the Now Zealand policy of Her Majesty’s Government. I answered each point as best I could, and may add that 1 seldom met with a rejoinder. At last he threatened me with separation and annexation to the United States. I replied by declining even to discuss such a matter, adding, however, somewhat inconsistently, that I xvas curious to know what was the practical object of any colonist who entertained such an idea. Hid he expect the States wfculd send an army to conquer the Maoris for him? He answered, “No; they would not send an army, hut would, send a hand of filibusters and cut-throats who would be ten times worse than the Maories.” I could not resist observing that the practicl object, then would he to obtain a substitute ten times worse than the only grievance of which New Zealand had to c unidain. Ido not remember saying one word more on this question of separate n. What I did say doe- not appear to he disrespectful to the great Colony of New Zealand, uncivil to the colonists who volunteered privately to catechise me, or intolerable even from a Minister sitting quietly in his otlicc room. Anyone who has observed the astounding progress of some of the colonies during the last twenty years in wealth, population, statesmanship, and intelligence, in everything which constitutes a great community, must feel it difficult to prophesy as to the future. I should be exceedingly sorry to see England deprived of all her colonies, but this country will never attempt to retain them by brute force ; but 1 believe, however, that the bonds which unite ns, though slender, are elastic, and much stronger than some suppose. I doubt whether any attempt to define our relations more strictly would have a strengthening effect. Many a man and wife, notwithstanding occasional differences, live happily together who could not do so if they had called in a lawyer to define how much eacli was to yield on every occasion, and what the terms of a possible separation should be. It is with regret that I find myself unable, for the reasons which I have given, to take, a fresh initiative in a plan which seems already to have collapsed, and I have only to thank the deputation for the courteous attention with which they have listened tome. The deputation then withdrew.