THE Evening Star. TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1869.

Evening Star, Volume VII, Issue 2002, 5 October 1869, Page 2

THE Evening Star. TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1869.

The news by the mail, on the whole, may be 'looked upon as good. It is good news, because it indicates peace and industry, and seems to point to increased demand for the products of labor. When members of the Royal Family are employed in visits of peace to different parts of the world; when members of Parliament return from their legislative labors to enjoy rural sports and the quiet of domestic life—when European monarchs seem bent on relaxing national institutions, so as to bring them more in accordance with the intellectual status and political theories of the day—it is a good sign for the mass of the world’s inhabitants, for it proves that no question is passing that is likely seriously to disturb the world’s repose. This is just the condition of things at Home now. Parliament is prorogued the Prince and Princess of Wales were at a water-ing-place ] the Queen most probably at

her private retreat at Balmoral; Prince Arthur has been shipped off to Canada, statedly to join his regiment, but with little prospeot of active service ; Prince Alfred is cruising among the islands of the Pacific ; the Emperor of France is relaxing the bonds of despotism. Curt as are the telegraphic notices of Courtly doings, and little as the generality of mankind have in common with them, they are the indices of the moral and social condition of nations. Too much importance may occasionally be attached to the public movements of Princes; but when their private arrangements partake so much of the character of every-day life, as do those of the Royal Family of England, it is a fair presumption that nothing seriously wrong is apprehended. The effect of the absence of anything likely to interfere with the natural course of industry and exchange, is plainly shewn in the improved demand for raw material both at Home and in other manufacturing countries ; and although prices have not yet risen in any great degree, there is all the difference in the world between a rising and a hilling market. A great cause of the depression that has pervaded industry in all the Australasian Colonies is removed, and the future, instead of being clouded and gloomy may he looked forward to with hope. Perhaps some may be apprehensive regarding the apparently fixed determination of the British Government not to assist New Zealand in her Maori war. For our own part we do not share it. It is not by any means necessary that on that account the conduct of England meets approval. It may be very fairly argued in the treatment of her colonies, there has been a capricious selfishness that is anything but creditable. Had her conduct been more uniform, and had every colony and dependency met with equal consideration and assistance, there could have been no cause of complaint. The fault that England’s statesmen have committed with New Zealand is that they have led a number of colonists to adopt, a certain course of conduct, in dealing with barbarous tribes, on the faith of receiving support from the Mother Country ; and just when that line of policy has produced the natural result of arraying White against Maori, they leave them to fight their own battles. Had it not been for that crooked policy, the progress of settlement would have been widely different. Many causes of Maori wars and troubles would never have arisen. Advances would have been more cautiously made and circumstances would have led to the development of institutions suited to the peculiar condition of the country, instead of a perpetual striving to reproduce British institutions, with all their time honored follies and absurdities. But we do not see that Earl Granville’s refusal to help us materially affects our present position, and it seems to us to promise advantage for the future. The weak point of every Government has been its Maori policy, and the present Government is no exception. What can be more absurd than to import a British army when the fighting is over ? We have always blamed the Stafford Ministry for the last war, because they invited it through the absence of the most ordinary precautions. We never believed, the Colony to be unable to protect itself. When a raw undisciplined force, composed of acknowledgedly the worst moral materials that could be gathered together in the Australias—a force with which was incorporated the scum and refuse of Victoria—hastily mustered, partially drilled, unaccustomed to bush warfare, and led by an officer without prestige, and in whom the Colony, from one end to the other, had no confidence, with the utmost ease drove back the largest Maori force that could _ be gathered together, followed them into their fastnesses, and dispersed them, — it is pure nonsense to imagine that the Colonists are unable to take care of themselves. All experience, as well as sound reason, are against the theory. Every year adds to Colonial strength ; every year diminishes Maori strength. The measures of the present Government in maintaining a small highly disciplined force, promises far more success than the scheme for importing a British regiment or two, or the wild dream of employing an army of Ghoorkas. It is more than likely that before they arrive, if ever they come, circumstances will have so altered that they will not be needed, and that when here, they will be an expensive ornament, like the 18th Regiment; formidable in their presence and in their parade, a moral force of red coats, to be gazed at, admired, feared, and—paid for. While, therefore, we cannot agree with Britain’s Colonial policy, we think it very immaterial that military assistance is denied. In fact, should the result be a more systematic and better defined course of seftlenvont founded upon sounder and juster principles than have hitherto been adopted, instead of a loss, great gain will accrue. Amongst the movements announced is one that, properly worked, may prove of groat

ad vantage. It is stated that a committee of influential Colonists has been appointed to “ considex - the relations “ existing between England and her “ Colonies." It is high time that these were definitely settled, not so much on account of any assistance that may be looked for, but on account of the risk that every Colony is placed in, through the possible quarrels between Great Britain and the maritime powers. But we need not say “ maritime powers," for any nation having a seaport and means to equip a vessel of war, could send one on a buccaneering expedition with every chance of escape from any force sent in pursuit. Everyone knows the loss and damage inflicted by two war vessels in the American Civil War. Not all the naval power of Groat Britain in 1816 did one-half so much damage to American commerce as did those two vessels; and there is no reason why, in the event ol a war, should no convention be entered into excepting Colonies from liability to be treated as belligerents, the chief Ports of New Zealand should be exempted from predatory visits by single heavily-armed vessels. As appendages to the British Crown, the Colonies are very ornamental ; as markets for British produce, they are highly profitable; as homes for surplus British population, they are exceedingly comfortable ; and as aflording snug berths for British patronage in the appointment of Governors, they are immensely convenient: but notwithstanding these advantages, they have been told, what it required no wizard to discover, that they are too numerous and widely scattered for England to protect them against England’s enemies. The best thing, therefore, that can be done will be, while all is peace, to place them beyond the risk of war, that “those who make the “ quarrels may be the only men to “ fight.” It is quite enough to have the burden of a Maori war without a foreign one for England’s sake.