THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.

Evening Star, Volume VII, Issue 1976, 4 September 1869, Page 3

THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.

The Lyttelton Times in an article on the constitution and functions of the Upper House, says ;—The Legislative Council is too dignified to indulge in rows. Its members, for the most part, sit in solemn silence, while those who do speak, with one or two exceptions, steadily maintain a dead level of twaddle. Happily, nature has not gifted item -witli the power of expressing themselves at any length, and their speeches have the grace of brevity. Indeed, the Council shines in negative virtues. Its chief title to respect is, that it does very little mischief, but the mere abstinence from evil is not sufficient to secure the permanence, ®r even to justify the existence, of a political institution, * * * * The principle on which the Legislative Council has been constituted has been to choose the richest, or presumed richest men, irrespective of any other qualification, provided they were tolerably presentable. Of course there have been exceptions to this rule. The men appointed by the Government from time to time to represent them, have been necessarily men of some mark, but we speak of the general body of members. Riches and legislative capacity, in the Colonies especially, by no means run together. Men who have given their whole minds to acquiring wealth, and few indeed become rich who have not done so, will naturally have come to regard their own pockets as the chief object, and will view their legislative functions as subsidiary to their private interests. Men of this temper will steadily legislate for their class, and will probably job if it be worth their while to do so. There is no more dangerous fallacy than to suppose that, because a man has done well for himself, he will therefore do well for the public. The capacity for acquiring wealth frequently exists entirely apart from education, intelligence, or statesmanship ; and if it did not, if a man who had acquired great wealth had the capacity for legislation, we may be sure that he did not get his riches by that sacrifice of private interests which a political career demands. Experience, intellect, education these are the qualities that are absolutely necessary in members of the Legislative Council, if the Council is to fulfil its proper functions. At present the Council contains one or two able men, one or two more passable ones, and the rest rich or supposed rich dummies, some of whom can’t even speak the Queen’s English correctly. We see no reason why the Upper House should not be constituted partly of official members and partly of members elected, perhaps from a body of electors with a special electoral qualification, certainly from larger electoral districts than those for the House of Representatives. The Attorney-Gen-eral, who is now a non-political officer, and the Judges, might take their seats in the Upper House. Their technical knowledge would be especially useful. If necessary, a limited number of members might still be nominated, if the right of being nominated were confined to persons who had served certain offices in the State. Members, whether nominated or elected, should sit only for a fixed period, with the light of being renominated or re-elected. It is to the nomination for life that we think a good deal of the sluggishness of the present Council is due. A life-nomination confers a secure dignity on the person appointed, but the object of an Upper House is not to confer dignities, but to get work done in an efficient manner. It is obvious that if the constitution of. the Upper House were thus changed, its functions would be changed also, and that the discussion of ques-

tions purely political would of necessity be excluded from its debates. It ■would have to surrender the great powers which are now by law conferred upon it, some of which, by the way, it dare not use. In return, it would gain in true dignity. Its deliberations would be studied with interest, instead of being glanced over with careless unconcern, and it would exchange a shadow of power for a substance of usefulness.