FUTILITY OF VIOLENCE

Evening Post, Volume CXXVIII, Issue 26, 31 July 1939, Page 8

FUTILITY OF VIOLENCE

To most of the people of Britain and the Dominions of the British Empire, apart from the Irish themselves and those who have a special interest in Ireland, the campaign of outrage undertaken by the I.R.A. in England since the beginning of this year is not only utterly repugnant in its methods, but also almost incomprehensible in its objectives. The main objective has been stated several times as the withdrawal of British troops from Ireland. But under the Anglo-Irish Agreement of = April, 1938, there are now no British troops in effective occupation in Southern Ireland, that is, the Irish Free State. Under the agreement the British Government undertook to transfer to the Government of Eire (Ireland) the Admiralty property and the hafbour defences at Berehaven Cobh (Cork) and Lough Swilly not later than December 31 last. Presumably this agreement has been carried out and the Free State entrusted with the defence of its own soil. There can, therefore, be no complaint so far as the Free Stale is concerned. Over Northern Ireland, a separate entity, neither the Free State nor Britain itself can presume to exercise control apart from the wishes of the majority of the inhabitants. Whatever British troops there are in Northern Ireland cannot be regarded as an army of occupation, because their presence is in harmony with the desire of the majority of the people. What the I.R.A. is doing, therefore, is to bring pressure on the British people by a Campaign oi outrage in Britain to force a withdrawal of troops from Northern Ireland, and so exercise pressure on the people of Northern Ireland against their will to join the Irish Free State. This objective was expressed in placards posted in January last by the I.R.A. in many Irish towns: "In God's name, England, withdraw armed forces from all parts of Ireland to enable the enthronement of the Republic." It is true that the partition of Ireland remains the one outstanding question for the Irish people, and a peaceful solution would be universally welcome not only in Ireland itself, but throughout the Empire. But the only possible solution that could be peaceful would be the voluntary consent of Northern Ireland to come in with the rest of Eire. The withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland would not hasten that consent. The people themselves must be won over, and the last way to achieve that end is the way adopted by the I.R.A. of planting bombs in different parts of Britain, doing great damage and, in the latest instance, at King's Cross railway station, London, causing loss of life. Such methods, detestable in themselves, serve only to alienate the British in Britain and elsewhere and the Irish in Northern Ireland more than ever. Such a wholesale campaign inevitably demands repressive legislation such as has been passed by the British Parliament. No country could tolerate a continuance of such outrages, especially in the present state of international tension when there is a suspicion of foreign support for the campaign, such as there has been in Palestine for terrorism there. The Prime Minister of Eire (Mr. de Valera), while emphasising the need for ending partition, has publicly stated his conviction that a settlement of this question is possible by constitutional methods. It is also reported that he has called a special Cabinet meeting in Dublin to consider a plan for immediate action against the I.R.A, extremists in Eire. Only by denunciation and suppression of the methods of violence and outrage can the cause of Irish unity be advanced.