THE COMMONS APPROVES

Evening Post, Volume CXXVI, Issue 85, 7 October 1938, Page 9

THE COMMONS APPROVES

LABOUR AMENDMENT DEFEATED

PREMIER CONVINCED HE WAS RIGHT

(British Official Wireless.)

(Received October 7, 10.20 a.m.) EUGBY, October 6

Mr. Chamberlain spoke first of personal issues. "When a man gets to my age and fills my position I think he tends to feel that criticism and even abuse matter little to him if his own conscience approves his action," he said. "Looking back on * these events, I feel convinced that by my action—l claim no credit for it, I think it was only what anyone in my position would have felt it his duty to do—l did avert war." Emphasising the horrors of modern warfare and how death and mutilation would strike right at the heart of civilian populations, he made it clear that the influence on his mind during the crisis was the thought that one could not ask a people to accept war unless the cause for which they were called upon to fight was vital, that it transcended all ordinary human values, and was sacred. REPLY TO CRITICS. He proceeded to discuss the principal arguments which he considered had been directed in the debate against the policy the Government had pursued. First there was the suggestion th&t despite the fact that Britain had no treaty obligations in the matter she should have declared at an early stage that if Germany resorted to force against Czechoslovakia Britain would fight. For any such action, the Premier maintained, it would have been impossible to secure the support of the electorate. The other suggestion was that if the Government felt the first was impossible it should have told Czechoslovakia long ago that in no circumstances would she get any help, so that she could have come to terms herself with Germany. But the issue was not so simple. /France was under treaty obligations to Czechoslovakia, and it was not to be expected that she should repudiate these beforehand, and so long as there was risk of France having to honour her obligations it was impossible to say that Britain would in no circumstances be involved. What the-Goyei'nment had done, and it was "the only course open'to it, was to ad-i vise Czechoslovakia repeatedly to come to terms with the Sudeten Germans and, when Germany mobilised* to utter no threats but to utter warnings again and again that if France became en- ' gaged Britain would be bound to sup* port her. Later, when the Government became convinced *that nothing could any longer keep the Sudetenland within Czechoslovakia, it urged the Government at Prague to cede the territory. CZECHOSLOVAKIA NOT BETRAYED "I pay my tribute to the wisdom and courage of Dr. Benes in accepting the advice of France and ourselves," said Mr. Chamberlain. "I know it was a hard decision for anyone who loves his country to take, but to accuse us of having by that advice betrayed Czechoslovakia is simply preposterous. What we did was to save her from annihilation so as to give her a chance of new life in a new State, which, even if it involved loss of territory and fortifications, would perhaps enable her mi the future to enjoy and develop her national existence in neutral security. "Therefore I claim that the Government deserves the approval of the House for its conduct, which saved Czechoslovakia from destruction and Europe from Armageddon." NO DESIRE FOR ELECTIONS. Before turning from the past to the future, Mr. Chamberlain touched on rumours current in certain quarters of an appeal to the country. He said he did not want a General Election now because he had no desire to capitalise for party purposes the feeling of relief and thankfulness which went beyond party limits, and also because at a time when they might have to call upon the country for a great effort in the months to come he did not want to magnify differences. There wero only two conditions which might lead him to change his mind. One was if some new issue arose which he felt required, a new mandate from tho country, and the other was if he felt he had lost the confidence of his supporters. Neither condition had arisen, and he had no reason to suppose that either would arise. TWO VIEWS OP THE FUTURE. There were two views of the future, Mr. Chamberlain thought. The first promised the impossibility, of friendly or trustful relations with the totalitarian States and resolved, he contended, belief in the inevitability of war. The second was that every effort should be made to avoid war by discussion in a spirit of collaboration and j good will, and by analysing the possible causes of war and trying to remove them. The Premier mentioned, ■ incidentally, that he had drawn up the declaration signed at Munich on Friday by Herr Hitler and himself. The inevitable war, he supposed, would be between the democracies and the dictatorships, and he suggested that Britain should not only arm herself, but make military alliances with as many other Powers as possible. Such a policy was now described as collec'i'/e security, and Mr. Chamberlain aunted the Labour Opposition with flaying with a policy which contained all the things they formerly denounced, W r.K t»q alliances and the balance of jiower; remarking that some Oppos*.tion members could be made to walk into any trap if only it was baited with familiar catchwords. This might be a plan for joint security, but certainly was not collective security in the sense of a scheme, of defence against aggression in which all nations were to take their part. To his mind, Mr. Chamberlain declared, this policy was one of utter despair, and left no hope for the .future of civilisation or of those things1 which made life worth living.

By Telegraph—Press Association—Copyright-

DESIRE TO SERVE. "The strongest argument against the Inevitability of war," he said, "is the

The House of Commons adjourned till November 1 after rejecting the Labour Party's amendment and passing Sir Jplm Simon' 6 motion approving the Government's policy. The last speaker in the debate was the Prime Minister, Mr. Chamberlain, who was given another great ovation by Ms supporters on rising. There was a further demonstration as he left the chamber at the end of the proceedings, members standing on their seats, waving order papers, and shoutinggood wishes for his holiday.

universal aversion to war on the part of the peoples of the world. I believe the people of Britain-desire the removal of the causes of war by discussion in a spirit of collaboration and good will. That means the establishment of personal contact. The dictators must have a reasonable prospect of success before a world conference can be held. I sincerely believe we may yet secure peace for our time, but I have never suggested that it can be achieved by disarming, which means weakness unless we can induce others to disarm.

"The crisis has thrown light on our preparations. There must be the fullest inquiry to enable the deficiencies to be made good as soon as possible. I cannot help feeling that had war come the people of Britain would have lost their spiritual faith altogether. Now we may well have a spiritual revival everywhere. There is a strong desire to serve, and I would like to take advantage of that."

Mr. Chamberlain said that his previous statement that the Government would not introduce conscription or compulsory national service in time of peace still holds good.

On the motion for the adjournment, the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. C. R. Attlee, maintained that the House should continue to watch the situation closely.

Sir, Archibald Sinclair, the Liberal Leader, suggested their meeting on October 18. Captain H. Macrnillan (Con.) supported this, declaring that many people would be shocked at the House taking a holiday at such a period. The Commons was . treated more like the Reichstag, meeting only to hear orations and register Government decrees.

Mr. Chamberlain said: "The House can be summoned should the occasion arise. I think that is a sufficient safeguard."

Mr. Attlee said that the Government's motion implied that peace could be achieved by the methods which had been followed for the past seven years, yet the only result so far had been apprehension for the future of Britain and civilisation.