Evening Post. MONDAY, JANUARY 6, 1936. AMERICA ON THE AIR

Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 4, 6 January 1936, Page 6

Evening Post. MONDAY, JANUARY 6, 1936. AMERICA ON THE AIR

Notwithstanding Republican protests uttered in the interests of precedent, it seems that Congress bowed to President Roosevelt's innovation and listened to his Message at "the radio hour" of 9 p.m. instead of noon. On the opening day (Friday) of the final session of the 74th Congress its members therefore heard the President in "the dramatic setting of a night session," and the United States electors heard him by radio, and it is safe to assume that European capitals also listened— with rapid responses in the case of Rome and Berlin. Julius Caesar, who did "bestride the narrow world like a Colossus," never had such a world-sway as has this plain American, whose voice is heard in countless countries by Dictators, General Staffs, Prime Ministers, armament firms, and oil kings. The Sphinx-like character of American foreign policy helps to keep the world-audience on tip-toe. Just two words, "autocratic dictators," cause Berlin at once to announce that the President means someone else—it could not be Herr Hitler!—while Rome instantly diagnoses "an insufficient knowledge" in the White House "of Italy's case." Obviously, no dictator could be listened to with more conspicuous attention. What better evidence could there be that Europe foresees decisive results if the American sword—or even, perhaps, a complete American embargo—were thrown into the scales against one belligerent? All the indications, however, are that this will not happen. When Brennus threw his sword into the scale he did not throw two swords, one into each side of the scales. But Brennus was a barbarian. What the civilised American peace-keeper does is to impose his embargo on both sides; if it should turn out that, for geographical and other reasons, the embargo is going to hurt one much more than the other —and that one an "autocratic dictator"—well and good, but the President and Congress will on no account approach such a one-sided result by. the direct and obvious route. In these un-barbarian days of correct neutrality a Congress ties down its President to the un-Caesarlike device of imposing no embargo that is restricted to one country; and now that the first Neutrality Act of Congress is about to expire, the same principle, it seems, is to continue to operate with regard to the additional items covered by the new Bill, which are to be prohibited in "amounts exceeding the normal commerce" between this country and any belligerent. So the keynote seems to be "normalcy," a word made famous by a former American President; and "what is the normal exchange of goods will be determined by the President." Even with the limitations of "normalcy" and applicability to all belligerents, the new Bill still leaves Mr. Roosevelt something of a Caesar, and certainly a.force to be listened to. But the practical results obtainable are obscure, and judgment must wait till the authors of League sanctions, and particularly of the oil proposals, find their bearings in relation to the latest Washington legislation.

One of the first requisites of a modern dictator is a capacity to study and to understand (if such understanding is possible) democracy. Not, of course, his own democracy. A dictator necessarily has taken measures to deal with that factor in his own country, and therefore Rome knows exactly what it means; so does Berlin; and they have a fairly good chance of knowing what each other means.' But the voices that come from London and from Washington are quite different from the voices of Rome and Berlin in that Britain and the United Stales possess a public opinion (as Sir Samuel Hoare's case demonstrates) 'and the United States this year is facing a Presidential election. That fact must weigh in every word a United States President says in election year. A democratic leader today is looking round the next corner not only in the Mediterranean but in the affairs of his own country; therefore, domestic politics in the United States and Britain present a background— sometimes a complex background— that must be puzzling to the intelligence department of a plain, straightforward, unparliamentary dictatorship blessed with a single helmsman and a charted course. Charting a course in America is not merely a matter of Presidential Messages but of Congressional behaviour. In Washington today the Administration affects to believe that Congress will quickly pass the new Neutrality Bill, which will serve as a patent container in which foreign affairs Avill be completely bottled and hermetically sealed for months to conic; whereupon Congress will switch over .for ihe rest of ihn session lo domestic policy, "and the less attention it is

necessary to give !o foreign affairs, the more pleased the politicians will be." That forecast could easily be upset by events. But it serves the useful purpose of enabling the Administration lo say to its electors: "Note that we are not running away from the New Deal la fight our campaign on international causes." But there is nothing in tho Message, so far as it is cabled, to indicate that the New Deal is still a forward policy. President Roosevelt challenges his opponents lo fight for the repeal of New Deal measures. Pic proclaims defence, not attack. Allack would mean making the New Deal measures effective against the United States Constitution. Of this there is, to date, no suggestion.