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MR. MACDONALD'S DILEMMA

I In the by-election for the Wavertree division of Liverpool the Conservatives polled 24,346 votes against Labour's 15,611, but under the. absurdly misrepresentative system with which Great Britain, like New Zealand, is content, the Labour candidate with a vote representing no more than 35 per cent, of the aggregate is declared elected. As the Conservatives still have a majority in the House of Commons which is larger by several .hundreds than is good for them, the result is therefore of no direct national significance. Indirectly, however, whatever is a matter of serious concern to the largest party in the State is also of concern to the Sta|e itself, and the possibility that the example of Wavertrec may be followed by other constituencies at the General Elec* tion' i 3 a danger which neither as a party leader nor as a leader of the nation can Mr. Baldwin afford to overlook. He has suffered much at the hands of Mr. Churchill since they first began to differ about the tariff some five years ago, but their most serious and really perilous difference about India was brought to a head at the meeting of the Central Council of Conservative Associations in December, and resulted in a crushing defeat for Mr. Churchill. Mr. Churchill is, however, not the man to stay crushed. He has continued his attack on the Indian policy of the party and the Government in the House of Commons, and in the Wavertree election he has carried his rebellion into the constituencies. What looks like an attempt to imitate his friend Mr. Lloyd George in founding a family dynasty has failed, but he has given the unity of the Conservative Party a very bad shake. Mr. Randolph Churchill proposes "to form a new local Conservative Association and fight the seat at the next election." The status of the rebels will have to be plainly declared or the example will spread. In a London message which appeared on Monday the correspondent of the Sydney "Sun" was quoted as saying that "as the.result of the recent turn of events the National Government's stock is the lowest since it took power." One would like to dispute this diagnosis, bul it unfortunately squares .with the general impression left by our recent cable news. It is deplorable that despite the great achievements of League diplomacy in December in which the Government took a leading part and the great hopes that have been raised by the brilliant success of the AngloFrench conversations, and with the unparalleled responsibilities of the Government of India Bill entering upon their critical stage, a Government to which the nation and the world owe so much, and to which they must still look to see them through, should not be rewarded with a confidence .commensurate with its invaluable services and its' capacity to render more. But the gratitude of India as displayed in the overwhelming, hostility of several of its representative bodies has its parallel in .the special bitterness of the attacks recently made upon the Government by its enemies in the Homeland and in the coldness and the distrust of many of its friends. That these special attacks have not been inspired by the recent foreign policy of the Government does not alter the fact that they tend to embarrass its efforts in that sphere to weaken its authority, and that little is allowed by way of setoff on account of its successes.

It was, however, neither to foreign policy nor to domestic policy in its broader aspects that the "Sun's" correspondent was referring when lie attributed the depreciation of the National Government's stock to "the recent turn of events." On January 17 Mr. Lloyd George had announced his return to active politics, not as a party politician but certainly, as everybody assumed, unlikely to refuse any reasonable offer from any party. On January 26 Sir John Simon, in a public speech, made what, though stated in figurative language, was virtually the offer of a leading placet in the Cabinet. Presumably, when the offer was brought down from metaphor to "brass tacks," Mr. Lloyd George did not find it reasonable. He has at any rate not said a single public word on the subject, and it is not surprising that after a week of his silence the Prime Minister found that the problem of Cabinet reconstruction had been seriously complicated.

Mr. Mac Donald, said the "Sun" correspondent, is very worried, and does not want to reconstruct Cabinet until the India Bill is passed into law, but there are great efforts to force his hands. Mr. Neville Chamberlain will not tolerate Mr. Lloyd George's inclusion in the Cabinet at any price, and his inclusion would split the Conservatives beyond repair. •■-,"■'•

The implacable hostility ascribed to Mr. Neville Chamberlain is of special interest, both because he has a repu-

tation for obstinacy or intolerance, and because Sir Austen Chamberlain had attended Mr. Lloyd George's Birmingham meeting and given him (lie highest possible character for disinterestedness and single-minded devotion to public duty. Brother shall be divided against brother if Mr. Lloyd George condescends .to j accept Sir John Simon's offer! "The l Conservative revolt in connection I with Mr. Randolph Churchill's intruI sion in the Wavertee by-election" was mentioned by the "Sun" correspondent as further complicating Mr. MacDonald's task. The case against delaying die reconstruction was staled! in the same message. Two hundred supporters of the Government were reported by the "Observer" to be suffering from a growing fear of losing their seats under present conditions, and to consider that early changes in the composition and policy of the Government, followed by a General Election not later than the autumn, would improve their chances of success. "There is a growing feeling," said the "Observer," "that reconstruction should be done now, preferably with Mr. Lloyd George." Mr. Mac Donald's position in the National Government, which has never been an enviable one, has now become more painful than ever. His health is^not strong; he has no party behind him, and has lost a very large share of the personal popularity Avith which he set out; he has ceased to pull his full weight, either in domestic or in foreign affairs; he is Prime Minister through the unselfish loyalty of Mr. Baldwin, whose attitude is not shared by a large section of the Conservative Party; and in dealing with Mr. Lloyd George he is dealing with a man whose bitter hostility to himself was mentioned by the "Observer" as one of the difficulties in the way of his admission to the Government. If Mi\ Lloyd George were as trustworthy as he is brilliant Mr. MacDonald might be well advised to make way for him, but as he is not Mr. MacDonald's--and Mr. Baldwin's— dilemma is one of appalling difficulty. ■ 8

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19350208.2.58

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CXIX, Issue 33, 8 February 1935, Page 2

Word Count
1,136

MR. MACDONALD'S DILEMMA Evening Post, Volume CXIX, Issue 33, 8 February 1935, Page 2

MR. MACDONALD'S DILEMMA Evening Post, Volume CXIX, Issue 33, 8 February 1935, Page 2

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