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AMERICA'S BOUNDARY PROBLEM

Using the language of what he calls "mental, geography," General Charles H. Sherrill, a diligent American student of world politics with some diplomatic experience, writes as follows of the boundaries of his country in the foreword to a collection of essays published under the title "Have We An Eastern Policy?". The United States is ■bounded on the south by the Monroe Doctrine, on the east hy our opportunity of [ service to stricken Europe, on the north by the Anglo-Saxon racial tie, and on the west by the Japanese problem. It was in 1921 that General Sherrill's book was published. Twelve years later it is interesting to note that the southern boundary of the United States is. still securely guarded by, the Monroe Doctrine, -though in his opinion the security will not be absolute until the Caribbean Sea has become "an American lake." He says "Pan-American lake," but a description "Pan" is mere surplusage, since it is to the United States that the Caribbean possessions of Britain and, France are to pass, as a set-off to ,war debts, and the transfer will be consummated "by hoisting the American flag over the Europeanowned islands of that sea." On the north the three thousand miles of the Canadian frontier of the United States are still adequately guarded, without forts or troops and without anxiety on either side by "the AngloSaxon racial tie alone," and nobody asks for a change. >

General Sherrill's description of the eastern boundary of the Ignited States as "our, opportunity of service to stricken Europe" has been given quite an" ironical sound in European ears by the events of the -last few months. The hopes that had. been fixed on. the Bth Noveihbei-. did not realise a cent on the 15th December, but the American elections have already created a better atmosphere, and stricken Europe still hopes that the opportunity of service which will be opened to the new regime on the 4th March will not be neglected. It is, however, to the problem which our mental geographer describes as constituting, the boundary of the United States on the west, that the eyes of her statesmen have within the last few days been sharply turned, and we may assume that the anxiety of London, Paris, and Geneva is not far behind that of Washington. Two.years after,peace had been signed at Versailles General Sherrill said that thq next great question confronting the world, " and especially the United States, > was "Shall the Pacific Ocean continue pacific?" Except perhaps for a brief period following the unexpected success of the Naval Conference at Washington in 1921-22,' which materially reduced the big navies of the world and abated the bellicose spirit of Japan, the Pacific barometer has never been set fair. Ever since September, 1931, when Japan took the law into her own hands in Manchuria, and seized Mukden and a large area of adjoining territory, it has pointed to a storm of which, if it once broke, nobody could foretell the limits. For > sixteen months Japan has flouted the League of Nations and remained in possession. While, the League still hesitates she has ushered in the New Year with an extension of her operations. With the Manchurian problem thus in a more perilous position than ever, the American House of Representatives now comes forward with a proposal which has been regarded as a likely cause of war even if the parties were not on the edge of it already. Friday the x l3th may be regarded by the superstitious as a suitable date for the action that the House of Representatives has taken, but except for the date we are told nothing of the proceedings beyond the fact that the House has ''passed the Philippine Independence Bill over Mr. Hoover's veto." We know, however, that, as to pass a Bill over the President's veto requires a two-thirds majority in both Chambers, a majority of at least this size has been recorded in the House; and in the absence of any information as to the terms of the Bill it seems safe to assume that it repeats those of the

Hare Bill—so called, according to American ,custom, from the name of the introducer—which was before the House in April last. The principal clause of this measure was as follows :— On the fourth of July immediately following the expiration of a period of eight years from tho date of the inauguration of the government of tho Philippine Commonwealth, American sovereignty will be withdrawn and the complete independence of the Philippine Islands formally recognised. But, though this is the only clause mentioned in the "Literary Digest" of the 16th April last, from which we have quoted it, the extracts from President Hoover's Message which were supplied on Saturday show that there must be other important provisions relating to the institution of a Philippine Commonwealth and to the powers of the United States Administration during the eight years' interval.. The terms of the Bill would lead to the economic downfall of the islands, Mr. Hoover argued, and he pointed to the chaotic situation in the Orient and to tho immense neighbour ipopulations near the islands., The' President suggested that there should be no immediate curtailment of United States power, and that tho plebiscite on freedom should be taken fifteen or twenty years hence., .. • ■ • Though the United States is committed'to the ultimate grant of independence to the Filipinos by the Jones Act of 1916, and the result of a plebiscite is just as much a foregone conclusion as would be the vote of the Indian Nationalist. Congress, the length and the conditions of the probationary, period are obviously matters of supreme importance. For the eight years mentioned in the Hare Bill Mr. Hoover would like to substitute fifteen or twenty >years, and as in February last the Insular Affairs Committee of the Senate favoured fifteen years the President may have his way to that extent when the present Bill comes before the Senate. But there are more important tests than the time test. Neither in fifteen or twenty years, nor in fifty years can the 13,000,000 Filipinos be taught to govern themselves and conduct their own defence and foreign policy. Disorder, decadence, and chaos, to which the intervention of Japan may be regarded by the world as a preferable alternative, appear to be the probable outcome of the course. approved by the American House of Representatives.. Its levity is beyond belief. In April it passed the Hare Bill by 306 votes to 47 in forty minutes. . • i* ■ • ' The fate of a nation of 13,000,000, said one of]the minority, and that of American power in the Far East is passed by the Lower House in forty minutes. \ ' The comment of an Administration official quoted by the "New York Times" was that "no graver news has come to Great Britain and N Hol!and since the days of the Great War." He should not have omitted the United States. -

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19330116.2.43

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume CXV, Issue 12, 16 January 1933, Page 6

Word Count
1,160

AMERICA'S BOUNDARY PROBLEM Evening Post, Volume CXV, Issue 12, 16 January 1933, Page 6

AMERICA'S BOUNDARY PROBLEM Evening Post, Volume CXV, Issue 12, 16 January 1933, Page 6

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