Evening Post. MONDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1931. SELLING THE PASS

Evening Post, Volume CXII, Issue 83, 5 October 1931, Page 6

Evening Post. MONDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1931. SELLING THE PASS

Mr. Mac Donald faced the local Labour Party in Seaham on Friday with a smile on his face, a red carnation in his buttonhole,' and a determination to make himself heard. But the meeting, though hostile, does not appear to have been disorderly or ill-mannered, and the fact that he had been condemned and expelled from the party unheard did not prevent it from listening to his arguments. Even if his constituents had so desired* he could not again have been the Labour candidate for Seaham—or, indeed, for any constituency at all—for the secretary of the local Labour Party had' received a- reminder from headquarters that nobody expelled from tho party, could be nominated for election. It was therefore, inevitable that the previous decision ■to find another candidate for Seaham should stand, but it would nevertheless have been interesting to y have some report of what Mr. Mac Donald said. Insofar, however, as his justification was an exposition of "the causes of the crisis," he was, of course, covering familiar ground again, and on the personal side he. may never have reached the high note which it was natural to expect from so emotional a speaker on so stirring an occasion. His concluding words, if commonplace, were not inadequate:— I have been a lifelong Socialist, and shall always remain one. The national emergency compelled me to take the steps I. did. The classes I represent would have "been the first, to suffer if the'crisis'-, had not been met. But the nation is: much-less concerned about the Prime Minister's relations with the Labour Party or with his constituents, or about the justification of the statesmanship which made him for the first time a truly national leader, than about his future pei?S*< »1M j| was. expecting that at' Seaham he would be able to throw some light upon his intentions. The immediate problem which is agitating all parties is the date of the next General Election; The earlier, the better, is obviously Mr. Mac Donald's opinion if he can only get his colleagues in the National Government to accept a programme at once sufficiently broad and sufficiently clastic for his taste. Though when we last heard from him he was a Free Trader, it seems to be beyond a doubt that he is now looking to a tariff as necessary for restoring the balance of trade, if not for'the permanent purposes of industrial reconstruction. It is almost equally certain that he has not yet made up his mind as to the scope of the tariff reform that will be needed, but considers that an early appeal to the country is desirable in order to arm the Government with the necessary authority for carrying out whatever changes it may find to be necessary. If the Prime Minister was unable to give any information on either of those closely-related points in his Seaham speech, the reason presumably is that, though his own mind is made up, he cannot yet speak for the minds of his colleagues. A week- ago the Sunday papers were 'reported. 16, be unanimous in the opinion that an election is imminent; and estimating that the National Party would have the suppprt of the. Liberal votes cast at the last election, the "Observer" had no hesitation in predicting that it would compact, decisive majority."; But Mr, Garvin carried the argument a good deal too far when he added: The timely adoption of a tariff, with preference provisions, is Britain's sure and "splendid; chance, but her last. It is now or never.,: An Imperial Conference would at latt be summoned with the 'assurance of practical success. Britain would, in our opinion, be rendering, the Empire a very poor service if in her eagerness to seize this very last chance she were to base a policy of protection and preference not upon a reasoned appeal to the calm judgment of the electorate, but upon the stampeding of it by the fear of currency and other troubles, the despair of other remedies, and the need ■ for immediate action. The "khaki" election tactics of the Unionist Government in 1900 and the Lloyd George Coalition in 1918 would surely provide a very insecure basis for a tariff revolution intended to affect the' whole Empire by means of' reciprocal' agreements. But an emergency tariff directed to Britain's immediate danger would, of course, be a very different matter, and it. is evident that, in order to get st the Conservatives are prepared to reduce their demands far beyond the 100 per cent, contemplated by Mr. Garviri. In reference to the Prime Minister's desire fjor "a free hand" we were told on Thursday:— This would involve the Conservatives sacrificing their plan of fighting an election on a full tariff issue. . . . It is believed that the Conservative leaders are willing to agree to a manifesto on the widest lines. It remains to be seen whether the Liberals will show themselves equally accommodating. It is impossible to withhold one's sympathy from the Liberal Leader, who is confined to his room at a time when a kind of manoeuvring is proceeding on a grand scale which is just as congenial to his taste and his talents as a pitched battle. But this sympathy is quite compatible with a full enjoyment of the unconscious

humour in which the not entirely disinterested sympathy of the Labour Party finds expression. "This is the greatest betrayal in political history," was tho comment of Radical back-benchers. The "Daily Herald's" lobbyist thus interprets the position: "The moment Mr. Lloyd George was unable to defend himself his trusted lieutenants sold the Free Trade pass." Statesman, prophet, tactician, demagogue—this versatile genius has played many parts, and played them all brilliantly; but when we are asked to think of him as a martyr to principle the welling tear refuses to come, and a broad smile takes its place. The smile is broadened by the recollection that'when Mr. Lloyd George left New York on the eve of the General Election of 1923 nobody knew whether he would declare for Protection or Free Trade. But when he landed on the Southampton wharf, "Punch," if we have the details correctly, represented him as a seaman whose parrot, to the great surprise and satisfaction of Mr. Asquith, had learned to say "Free Trade" on the voyage. The humour of Labour's crocodile tears is increased when we consider the character of these "trusted lieutenants" who have turned traitors and "sold the Free Trade pass." Lord Reading, Sir Herbert Samuel, and Lord Lothian are three of the villains, and the names of Lord Grey and Mr. Runciman are added to-day. The weightiest of them all is Lord Grey, who, oddly; enough, was mentioned recently as ready to sink his differences with Mr. Lloyd George in order to issue a joint Free Trade manifesto if the Government went to the country on Protection. But in a letter to "The Times" Lord Grey now argues that the Government must be given power to deal with emergencies, which cannot all be foreseen. In such times, the Government, he thinks, must not be tied by restrictions, and it would therefore be unreasonable for Free Traders in supporting a National Government to qualify their support by excluding tariffs from the powers given to the Government in dealing with really emergency situations. He pointed out, however, that the Conservatives are urging that candidates should be pledged to the full Conservative programme of Protection and Preference. Free Trade versus Protection issue, ~he maintains, is but of date^ and the paramount issue to be put before the country should be the desirability of economy and sound finance. But will it be a fair deal if the Conservatives are free to advocate their whole programme, while the Liberals may not attack it or any part of it? And if Mr. Mac Donald himself merely asks for a free hand, what will the electors think of it?