Evening Post. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1926. REINFORCING POPULAR SENTIMENT

Evening Post, Volume CXII, Issue 56, 3 September 1926, Page 6

Evening Post. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1926. REINFORCING POPULAR SENTIMENT

1 The Prime Minister's statement that Parliament had "correctly interpreted the mind of the public" in giving him a free hand at the Imperial- Conference sounds very pretty, but it is really a two-edged compliment of which neither Parliament nor people has any right to feel proud. Should we be doing either of tho partiefljpn injustice if we suggested that neither of them might be so generous if their ideas were less indefinite, and that in this respect the blank cheque which tho House has given to Mr. Coates correctly interprets the blank'minds of its constituents. On the broad issue of Imperial unity, which was the governing principle in the Prime Minister's statement, it is oi course but fair to say that the people of this country are both definite and substantially unanimous, and in confirming the limitation on his freedom which he had thus proposed himself, the House faithfully reflected the popular mind; We trust that the ratification of the Locarno Treaty would have found the Hou_e equally representative if the Prime Minister had been able to submit it. But on all the points in the Conference Agenda which he did submit tho lack of controversy was chiefly due to the lack of ideas. On foreign policy, on consultation, on naval defence, and on the economic issues the popular sentiment is absolutely sound, but it must bo reinforced by a much more accurate knowledge and a much less intermittent.interest if we are to rise to the full height of our Imperial responsibilities. 7 in this process of education Ministers and M.P.'s should take the leading parts, but before they can do so thoy will have to educate themselves, and not the least essential part of that process, will be to teach themselves that the work is worth doing and that it must be done. Valuable contributions to the public enlightenment wore made both by tho Prime Minister and the Minister of Finance in the debate on Wednesday, .but how much have they or any. of their colleagues contributed during the past six months? And. what impression can they expect to make even by the most praiseworthy effort if; it is, reserved for the eve of a Conference which is only held onco every three or four years- and for the wild end-of-the-seSsion scramble to which the discussion of Conference business is always assigned? To ask the Finance Minister to add to the burdens of overwork and illdiealth the labour of a platform campaign would be cruel, but he has knowledge enough and to spare for the instruction of his colleagues. The Prime- Minister has the strength and the will and is rapidly acquiring the knowledge for the great task, and we shall be surprised if he does not return from the Imperial Conference with a great addition to his equipment both of knowledge and of enthusiasm. Long before the date of the following Conference he may be confidently expected to have the work of Imperial, education well in hand. So far, it must be confessed that the Departmental reconstruction which the Prime Minister announced early in theyear has contributed nothing appreciable to the education of the public, but it'is the kind of change from which rapid, and. tangible results were not reasonably to be expend. .The beginning of next; year ought .to. see both Mr. Coates and his new Department well qualified to put the country into closer touch with Imperial; affairs and :to keep it' there. From his reply in the Conference debate it may be inferred that he will not overlook the need for some': change in Parliamentary procedure or custom which will keep the House in more intimate and regular contact with these matters... !•'■'■' ! .. .I .One .feature of the debate, said . the Prime. Minister, was .that it de--4 ; monstrated quite clearly that tho House desired a good deal more opportunity to. discuss tho Dominion's point of view in regard to foreign matters. .... . The various phases of .tho matters which vitally affected New Zealand-might in future be discussed separately, and .it. would bo useful to encourage members to specialise in certain important subjects. .. . ,Tho debate had also demonstrated that the members wore keenly alive to the importance of tho 'Imperial Conference, and he hoped in the future that there would bo much more time devoted .to discussions of the kind. » The House of Commons has its Leaguo of Nations Committee, tho British Labour Party its Commonwealth group, and ono of tho most active and powerful committees in the United States Congress is its Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate. May we not hope

that, following these analogies, our Prime Minister may see his way to the institution of an Imperial or External Relations Committee, representative of both Houses, which will keep Parliament in continuous touch with its relations to Britain, to the Empire, and to the outside world? Next to the Prime Minister's opening statement with which we dealt yesterday, the most interesting features of the Imperial Conference debate wero the moderation of the Labour Party and the Finance Minister's exposition of New Zealand's' attitude to the problem of Dominion status. The Minister had no difficulty in showing that the Leader of the Opposition had misunderstood Mr. Coates's confidence in Britain when he took it to imply that the Dominions should have no voice in foreign policy but leave the whole responsibility to Britain. The closer the Dominions' touch with foreign policy the better for .the Empire, as long as they recognise that control and responsibility must go hand in hand. The trouble is, however, that those of the Dominions which are loudest in their demand for a share in the control are the least disposed to recognise any ' responsibility beyond that of criticism. On the question of status, about which these same Dominions make so much fuss, tho Hon. W. Downie Stewart stated the New Zealand view clearly and cogently: — He could not see that any of the Dominions had acquired the new status which had been so frequently spoken of by the other Dominions. While the Dominions had tho fullest right of consultation, they still occupied a position of inferiority to the Mother Country. He thought difficulties would arise if attempts were made by any of the Dominions to make treaties with other countries. One did not know what difficulties . might arise from international treaties, and thus give rise to war. . . . He did not think that any of the Dominions would claim the right to declare war. No nation had more authority than it had power, and for a small democracy like New Zealand to claim the right to make peace or war seemed to him to be suicidal. All she asked was the right to bo consulted before any decision was made. Not sovereignty and suicide but "more life and fuller" within the Empire is what New Zealand wants.