DIFFICULT QUESTIONS

Evening Post, Volume CXII, Issue 55, 2 September 1926, Page 6

DIFFICULT QUESTIONS

AND OF VITAL IMPORTANCE PROBLEMS FOR THE CONFERENCE In moving that tho statement regarding the Imperial Conference agenda which ho made on 17th August should bo printed,' Mr. Coates delivered the following pronouncement:— .■ ■ ' Before entering upon any discussion in detail of tho subjects to bo considered at the Imperial Conference, I desire to call the attention of the House to, the fact that, many question's .of grave difficulty ana of vital importance to the Empire which will doubtless arise for consideration are by their nature unsuitable for public discussion. It will be understood that where subjects are dealt with at the Conference which materially affect New Zealand's interests, the decisions arrived at will •be submitted to this Parliament for its consideration, and, if necessary, ratification, but I think it proper, however, to assure honourable members, and, indeed, the country generally, that it will be my earnest aim to continue unaltered in degree or in character New Zealand's traditional attitude towards the Mother Country. It will, I think, be sufficient to announce this intention and to lay down here a general principle by which I shall be guided at the Conference—that while New Zealand values exceedingly her freedom and-her present right to be consulted on Imperial affairs, and is glad to avail herself of this right whenever practicable, sHe recognises that in. matters of foreign policy it is not always possible to give effect to the separate views of all tho Dominions, and, that New Zealand, where necessary, leaves the ultimate decision to the Imperial Government. NO CARPING CRITICISM. Now Zealand will- bring to the Conference no spirit of carping criticism, no disposition to split points of privilege or of status, no desire to obtain an advantage for herself or to embarrass further an. Imperial Government already solely harassed by vast and almost insuperable difficulties." Opinion in this country as I interpret it is entirely satisfied that withiii hor present limits New Zealand has ample 'scope for.; freedom and for • the attainment of a full degree of nationhood within the Empire. It will bo my endeavour so to conduct the representations of New Zealand that what influence this small country may be able to wield in the council of tho Empire shall be on the »ide of Imperial unity. I hold tho view —and it needs no demonstration to support ifc^-that the wellbeing of the great ,'Smpire to which it is our privilege to belong is a matter of most urgent and vital moment, not only to its constituent peoples but to the very world itself. Tho preservation intact of this mighty instrument for good is a weighty trust, and I desiro to ass'uro the Houso and the country that I am fully alivo to the responsibility attaching to my mission, and fully determined to do my best adequately to represent New Zealand. I would not be understood to imply that all is entirely well at present with tho Empire. It is perhaps inevitable in this time of great economic disturbance that the interests of one portion of the British Commonwealth may appear to diverge, from those of other portions, and I do not desire to criticise in any way movements and policies in other parts of the Empiro, which must bo imSerfectly understood here both as to etail and as to motive. I do not for a moment under-rato the great difficulty of devising a formula (if a formula is necessary) that will allow of free play to tho aspirations of all parts of tho Empire without impairing tho unity of the whole. Tho task is ono that calls for all the toleration, all tho .wisdom^ all tho statesmanIhip that wo can bring to bear, but difficulties apparently beyond tho wit of man to surpass have in the past teen overcome in Great Britain by that curious «y»tem of growth and adaptation which is based more on common •ense than.any logical formula. The Intercourse that in tho normal result of our intor-Imperial trade rolatipns ha« •hown the necessity for a spirit of "give and take," and I am confident that »t the present stage there is nothing; that cannot bo solved by goodwill, by mutual toleration, and by,, earnest effort. That goodwill, that toleration, that effort, will not bo lacking on the part of New Zealand. , NAVAL DEFENCE. On the' subject of defence, I shall confine' myself to a few remarks only. 1 am satisfied that this country is not yet bearing its full share of the burden of naval defence, and I intend to bo guided, in the decision of this question, and itt thfl direction in which any posHible increaso should be expended, by the advice of tho Imperial authorities, nnd subject, of course, to the concurrence of this Parliament* I wish, however, definitely to put on record my. entire agreement with the recent remarks of the Prime Minister of Australia on the subject of the -Singapore base, which I regard as an indisputable necessity for tho adequate defence of British possessions. I f ecogniso, however, the difficulty of Urging Upon tho Imperial authorities the expenditure of a very largo sum of money On a base many thousands of miles removed from the British taxpayers, who must in the nature of things pay the greater part of tho cost, and New Zealand »ust, in the near future, consider wh&ther, as an earnest •f hor bona fides in the matter, she is prepared to contribute, cither directly or indirectly, a proportion of tho cost. I cannot too strongly reaffirm what has

already been asserted. on many occasions previously, that the provision of this base is a matter of defence, puroly and simply, and should not in any way be construed as a threat or a menace to any other Power. .'; ...... Turning now to the subjects specifically referred to in my. previous statement to the House,.!'wish to make the following remarks:-^ . • ■ OVERSEA' SETTLEMENT. Tho problem of redistributing, to the best advantage, the:population of the Empire is one of the: first importance. On the one hand, tho.'.United Kingdom, at present in the throes of a depression which we all hope will shortly disappear, is unable profitably to employ (large numbers of,', her people. On the other hand, in many of the Dominions there is a.need for,men—for development, for, manufactures, \ and for defence. How best' to. redistribute the population of the. Empire is a probi lem that may appear simple, but the (very real difficulty of a practical readjustment is shown'by the comparatively slow progress of oversea settle-, inent up to the present. New Zealand, I am glad to say, has done woll in this respect to her own advantage, no loss than to the advantage of the people who have come here and of the United Kingdom itself. During the last five.years nearly, 60,000 people, assisted and otherwise, have left tiie United Kingdom', to settle in Now Zealand, and when it is remembered that New Zealand has a small population with limited areas suitable for settlement and practically no export of manufactured goods this must be regarded as a good record. These people havo been absorbed into our. community, and the results have been satisfactory. In ' considering the subject of immigration it is, of course,: clear that the groatest care must be taken" to prevent any excess of migrants over the proportion that the country can economically absorb. .... While, therefore, it .is ylO bounden duty of New Zealand, in common with other parts of the Empire, to relieve tho United Kingdom of jts surplus people to the utmost extent possible, and while we regard it. as a privilege to assist Great Britain in her difficulty, wo must recognise tho paramount necessity of ensuring that, this effort is not overdone, and to exceed the limit of our capacity to absorb these people would be a grave disservice to this country, and no less to the-migrants themselves. . . ■. . . Bearing this in' niind,' however, I wish to announce my intention to exploro every possibility of safely increasing New.Zealand's effort without disorganising; the economic -life of tlie country; It will be remembered that, owing to inability to fill;completely the country's quota of immigrants in the past,' it was recently decided to raise the annual number of assisted migrants, temporarily at least. I do. not think it is feasible safely to increase our quota in tho meantime, but if suitable financial assistance can bo obtained undor the British Empire Settlement Act it may bo found possible to take some steps in the direction of a settlement scheme either on the land generally or in connection with forestry. This will depend largely on the arrangements that it may bo possible to mako with the British Government, but ■in any case honourable membors may rcly ; upon it that the greatest" care will be observed in working out any proposals that may be considered. INTER-IMPERIAL TRADE. It is, of course, unnecessary to stress the desirability of increasing in every way possible the volume of inter-Im-perlal trade, and any course safely promising such an increase will receive my hearty support. The large extont of our trade 'with, tho .Empire, and especially with the United Kingdom, is well known. New Zealand is already a very good customer of Great Britain and of tho Empire—in fact, I believe that New Zealand is proportionately Groat Britain's best customer at the prosent time. In the year ending December, 192G, 72.9 per cent, of New Zealand's imports camo from tho Empire, including 48.7 per cent, from the United Kingdom itself. In tho aanio year 86.1 per cent, of the Dominion's exports went to the Empire, including 79.8 per cent, to the United Kingdom. Though this record is a good one it must bo noted that-in the year mentioned New Zealand imported goods to tho value of over £14,000,000 from forbign countries, and though many of :thesc wore, of courso, commodities that i.are not produced at present within tho Empire, any. project to reduce this amount without injury to tho Dominion will receive my support. The problem of trade is primarily one of economics, but thoro is also iroom for sentiment and a long view of the ultimato possibility of establishing tho oeonomie independence of the Empire. To a great extent any improvement in inter-Imperial trade depends on the efforts of the manufacturers themselves, and I am convinced that if British manufacturers will produeo goods suitable for Dominion requironicnts at a reasonable price there is still a wide field for further progress in inter-Imperial trade. On tho other side of tho questionthat of New Zealand's exports —the Imperial Economic Committee and ■ the Empire Marketing Board ,are doing good work, especially in facilitating tho disposal of Empire foodstuffs in Great Britain, and every encouragement should be given to the oontinua--tion of this work. Tho annual grant of £1,000,000 made by the British Government should materially assist in tho disposal of Empire products. The subsidiary questions of "Valuation for Customs duty purposes," ''Area of taxation in tho case of nonresident traders," and the "General Economic Conference of the League of Nations" do not call for special comment, but the subject of standardisation is one of primary importance—tho advantages of standardisation t« tho seller, the buyor, and the publio gen-

orally canuot be over-estimated, and I hope that the new Department of Scientific Resoarch will bo ablo to facilitata the moj-o general use of British' standards to the benefit both of ouraelves and of the people of the United Kingdom. IMPROVING- COMMUNICATIONS. The subject of "Communications" is of great interest to Now Zealand. It is obvious that to this country, whoso produce must seek its market many thousands of miles away, the question of shipping is one really of life and death, especially when very serious competitors are much more favourably placed geographically. Good service has been rendored in this respect by the Imperial Shipping Committee, and New Zealand has on more than one occasion benefited by its investigations. The wise .and economical use of shipping is vital to the Empire, whose very existence depends on sea transport, and the continuation of the work of the committee is eminently desirable. A reduction in the time required for the transport of pur produce to the United Kingdom would be of the greatest value, and I hope that some improvement in this direction will bo found possible in the near future. The subject of "wireless communication" is exceedingly important, and I hope it will bo possible at the Conference to attain some final decision on this vexed question. ,' Quite apart from the aspect of defence it is most desirable that a cheap lind dependablo system of less communication should bo established at the earliest possible date. In considering the subject of "Eesearch and Development,'' I have great hopes of the Department of Scientific Besearch recently instituted under the direction of Dr., Marsden. . This Department is an oarnest .of New Zealand 's intention to take a live and growing interest in the subject, and I shall take every, opportunity of assisting the work of the Department, which I am convinced will prove of enormous benefit to the country. New Zealand is a small country and the limitation of finance that is necessarily imposed on any scientific work here will, I hope, be largely counterbalanced by a policy of. enthusiastic co-operation with scientific institutions in Grtat Britain and especially with the British Department of Scientific Research. BRITISH FILMS. The- subject of Empire films is one which,' while apparently of minor importance, has nevertheless a very deep significance. An impartial observer cannot fail to be impressed by the preponderance of foreign films shown in this country in common witli other parts of the Empire, and tho uj>'lr'p' '' ility of presenting to the growing generation of New iJcalamlci-u ■.«.■-• ■ viewpoints that are not British ccuuol be over-emphasised. It is, I think, recognised on all sides that a considerable increase in the proportion of British films is exceedingly desirable, and the' Government is fully alive to tlie position. The difficulty, however, would appear to be in obtaining thu vu quisite quantity of British films of a quality sufficiently high .to.attract the public, and tho remedy of this difficulty .lies in tho hands of tho British producers themselves. In the meantime, I will support at the Conference any plan that promises to increase the proportion of British films. Tho question of nationality has been considered by previous Imperial Conferences, and in any case it is ono upon which we will be well advised to consider ■ carefully the views of the Imperial Government, which is naturally most intimately affected by • the undoubted difficulties of the subject. Perhaps the most contentious aspect of the matter concerns tho nationality of British women who have niarried aliens, The last Imperial Conference gave this matter consideration, and arrivod at the. conclusion that the existing prin-ciplo-^that the nationality of a married woman depends on.that of her husband —should bo maintained, but that power should be taken to readmit ■ a woman .to British nationality in cases where the marriage state though subsisting in law had to all practical purposes come, to an end. Since then, however, tho British House of Com.mons has passed a resolution laying down the principle, that a British woman should not be deemed to lose her nationality by the mere act of marriage with an alien, but that it should be' open to her to make a declaration of alienage. A. similar resolution has been adopted by Australia,- while it is understood that Canada is also disposed to favour this principle. The matter will no doubt be carefully considered at tho forthcoming Conference, and I think that any decision in this country at the present time would, in the circumstances. be premature. MTITUDE TO LEAGUE OF NATIONS.. Before concluding, I . feel it necessary to refer briefly to two subjects of the first importance. In the first place, th 6 attitude of this country to the League of Nations might here be reiterated. As an instrument for promoting -understanding'amongst the nations the League has already played a worthy part, and its potentialities in the future are most promising. This country stands ready to take every step, and to afford every encouragement, that may forward the interests of the League and the attainment of its ultimatd goal, in so far as those do .not impair the interests of the British Empire. Honourable members will notice that I have made no reference to' the Loj carno Treaty. This, of course, does not imply any failure on my part, or on the part of the Government to recognise the grave importance of this Treaty, but as I have already explained lin answer to a question on tho subject the delay in the admission of. Germany to tho League of Nations has' to some extont altered tho position, >aud it has now boon decided to take no action during the present session in the direction of accepting the obligations of this Treaty. No doubt the subject will receive consideration at tho Conference, but as no direct obligation can bo incurred by New Zoaland until tho matter has been considered by Parliament I can sco nothing to be gained by discussing the question' at present when the whole position is uncertain. There need be no doubt about the ultimate attitude of the Government, nor I think is there, any doubt as to tho opinion of tho' people of this country, and at the Conference it is my intention to express as strongly as possible the vipw that New Zealand will in the future take up tho position she has been proud to occupy in tho past—by the side of Great Britain. LABOUE, LEADER'S VIEWS. The Leader of the Opposition (Mr. 11. E. Holland) congratulated tho Prime Minister on the fact that tho present would be the first Imperial Conference he had attended, and said that Mr. Coates had a wonderful opportunity of doing a signal service to the Dominion and to tho Empire. The question of the Imperial Conference was of such vital importance that it should not liavo been left for discussion until tho end of the session. He did not think that the present system of representation at the Conference was a good one, as one party only in each country was represented. The Prime Minister wont to tho Conference as Primo Minister, but the fact remained that ho represented but ono party. Mr. Holland also expressed the View that the peoplo wore entitled to a greater degree of publicity so far as tho business of tho Conference was concernod, for, if the people knew what was going on day

by day and to what they were being committed, there would bo a greater fooling of confidence. Tho Prime Minister had made no reference to the Locarno Pact, and thoro was also the quostion. of Dominion' status. TheßO were questions on which the people had a right to express thomsolves. He tooV it that the question of Dominion status would be one of. the most • prominent topics discussed, for the sections of the Empire were calling out for . a greater degree of nationhood. Ho thought that tho term British Commonwoalth was a far better ;erm than British Empire. The quostion of appointing Governor-Generals from the ranks of Dominion statesmen was a matter that would arise at tho Conference, and there were many other matters, which would be brought up which had not been referred to by the Prime Miuister. The question of status had been exercising and agitating tho minds of the Dominions for very many years, said Mr. Holland, and he went on to deal with various proposals which had boon made from time to time for tho government of the Empire. None of the Dominions should be content to delegate their rights to the Imperial Government or any other Government. THE LOCARNO PACT. Foreign relationship would undoubtedly occupy ' the attention of the Imperial Conference, and that would open up the question of the Locarno Pact. The provisions of the Pact were of intense concern to the people of New 'Zealand, and, indeed, to the.whole of I the Empire. It was a treaty whereby Britain undertook to go to war under cortain circumstances, and at. any time she could be easily drawn into war with France against Germany or with Germany against France. New Zealand was bound by all the obligations imposed in the Pact. Her position in regard to the ratification of the Pact should bo. the same as that of Mr. Bruce so far as Australia was con-, comed —that it would not be ratified by her until the people had had an opportunity through Parliament to express thoir opinion upon it. New Zealand should not be a party to being drawn into a war, as she would be if tho Pact was ratified. Mr. Holland protosted that notwithstanding that tho Pact vitally affected all parts of the Empire, the Dominions had not been asked to express their opinion upon it, He belioved that the Pact should either have a time limit placed upon it or that it should be subject to revision. Mr. Holland went on to point out how agreements and treaties had been violated in the past. The Hon. W. Nosworthy: "We, had that experience with Germany." '.'We had it also with the Treaty of Limerick," said Mr. Holland. Kings of England had declared in favour of breaking treaties. The. countries which were parties to the Locarno Pact had also broken former treaties. Britain should see that she did not allow herself to be dragged by the coat-tails by countries of explosive temperament.1 The • hopeful aspect Beemed to lie in the terms of settlement between Britain and. the United States in respect to Britain's indebtedness to tho United States. Mr. Holland said he dissented wholly from the view that the final voice in Empiro affairs should rest with tho Imperial authorities. Tho Dominions should have some voice. ABOVE PARTY POLITICS. The Minsiter of Finance (the Hon. W. Downic Stewart) said he wished to correct some misapprehensions in tho mind of Mr. Holland as to the remarks of tho Prime Minister. He pointed out that Mr. Coates had carefully qualified his statement that he was prepared to leave all questions of foreign policy to tho Imperial Government by adding that New Zealand recognised that in matters of foroign policy it was not always possible to give effect to the sopiirato views of all the Dominions, and that whero necessary she left tho ul'tiinato discussion to tho Imperial Government. Mr. Stewart said ho took it that the Prime Minister meant that tho five Dominions must reconcile thornsolves to what they considered to be the policy best suited, to carry out the interests of tho whole. Some authority must act, and hitherto our policy had been to allow tho British Government to act. On tho question of Imperial dofeitflc, the Leader of tho Opposition had quoted the Prime Minister as having said that he was willing to be guided by the "advice of the Imperial authorities. Mr. Coates had added, however, that that would be subject to the concurrence of Parliament. In that respect his statemont had been carefully guarded. Tho question of representation of tho Opposition at tho Imperial Conference had " been frequently raised. He had not cousidored the matter, but lie noticed that Mr. Mackenzie King, in commenting on such a suggestion, had stated thftt proposals to have all parties represented would seem to imply setting up a new body* supreme over the several Parliaments. Mr. Stewart said he thought there was something to be said for that view. Tho Prime' Minister of Austra-' Ha had voiced the opinion that tho expression of views at the Conference should be raised above party politics. Mr. Stewart said he thought New Zealand's attitude on the position she held in tho Empire was sounder than the view of any other of the Dominions. ATTITUDE TO THE DOMINIONS. Tho attitude of Great Britain towards her Dominions showed very extraordinary sagacity and wisdom. She gavo the Dominions a position which enabled them to voice their own independent viows and to sign practically as if they were independent contracting parties, and yet at the same timo they were part of the British delegation. The Dominions -thus enjoyed a double capacity, and the result was that each Dominion was allowed to put forward its own views on any problem. At one of tho Conferences tho Australian Gov'ernmont had the extraordinary privilege of appearing as an independent party representing and putting forward its own views and yet sharing all tho privileges and dignity attaching to the 'British delegation. She was taking a stand in regard to tho question of a White Australia, and when it appeared that she was in a minority the British delegation threw, its whole weight in in support of her. The eminent jurist,'the late Sir John Salmond, had shown that at Washington the representatives of tho British Empire always conferred before any decision was reached. Canada had since claimed freedom of action in regard to participation in wars, but he did not think uuduo weight should bo attached to statements to that effect because it was better to judge men and States by their actions instead of by thpir words., and thoy knew that Canada had put the whole woiglit of her strength into war activities during tho Great War. While tho Ministor was outlining the relation of the Irish Free. State to tho British Navy so far as the use of ports was concerned, the Leader of the Opposition interjected that no part of the British Empiro could maintain its neutrality in tho event of war. "That is' my view/ said tho Minister, who added that he could Jiot sec that any of tho Dominions had acquired tho now status which had been so' frequently spoken of by tho other Dominions. ■While the Dominions had tho fullest right of consultation they still occupied a position of •inferiority to tho Mothor Country. Ho thought difficulties would arise if attoinpts woro mado by any of tho Dominions, to make treaties with other countries. Ono did not know what difficulties might ariso

from international treaties, and thus give rise to war. A SUICIDAL CLAIM. The supposed equality of the nations forming tho British Empire' had uavor boen real. The mere torm "Empire Parliament," which was correct as applied only to tho British Parliament, which had power to legislate for the whole of the Empire if it thought fit, showed that the Dominions occupied a position of inferiority. Ho did not think that any of the Dominions would claim the right to declare war. No nation had more authority than it had power, and for a small democracy like New Zealand to claim tho right to make peace or war seemed to him to be suicidal. All she asked was the right to be consulted before any decision was made. An attempt had been made at Versailles to define the Dominions' separate status clearly, but what was done thero had been negatived- since by tho actions of other Dominions. The most that had been possible so far was for the British Government to consult the Dominions. There svore two schools of thought on what the line of escape, should be —those who advocated an Imporial Parliament and those who believed, as the. Canadians viewed it, that the only practical policy was _ a loose alliance of each Dominion with tho Mother Country, each acting according to its own view of the situation as it arose and co-operating or not co-oper-ating as it thought fit. It had beea pointed out, however, that that' created an illusory situation, for however a Dominion might claim that it ought to be consulted and might not act if it did not think it necessary to act, it could not get away from the fact that other Powers would pay no regard at all to what the Dominion might re-1 gard as its international status, but woukL regard the whole Empire as at war if the Imperial Government was at war. ■ . Mr. D. G. Sullivan (Avon)^"Constitutionally, is it the King who declares war or peace?" Mr. Stewart: "Yes, the King. He acts on the advice of his Ministers." Mr. Stewart mentioned the doctrine that the King could do no wrong. That was actually true, because if the King acted, wrongly he did so on the advice of his Ministers. If the King attempted to act on the advice .of the Ministers in the five Dominions, most hopeless confusion would arise. The British Government, therefore, consulted with the Governments of the other Dominions, and the ultimate responsibility' for the advice given to the King must be taken by the Imperial Ministers in Great Britain. Ab far as he knew that was the position, and he did not think it was constitutionally possible for it to be otherwise. FREE HAND TO THE OLD LAND. The Leader of the Nationalist Party (Mr. G. W. Forbes) said it was difficult at that stage of tho session to concentrate on Imperial affairs. He thought that the date of the Conforence ought to be altered to some time in the autumn, so that the Prime Minister could leave New Zealand during the recess. The matters to come before the Coriference were of the utmost importance, and affected not only the interests of New Zealand, but the whole of the Empire. He did not think thoro could be any two opinions about the preservation of the British Empire, and; the Prime Minister should go Home with the object of endeavouring to smooth away any difficulties that might oxist. Mr. Forbes ■ referred to difficulties which were to be faced in connection with Dominion status, making particular mention of viows held by Canada, South Africa, and the Irish Free- State. A strong tie of sentiment bound the Dominions and the Empire,1 as had been exemplified in no uncertain manner in 1914, and it should be their object to give tho Old Land. a free.hand as far as possible. One of the most important questions to be dealt with was that of immigration. Their kith and kin in the Old Laitd needed all the assistance that New Zealand could possibly give it in an endoavour to solve the big problem. There had to be sonfe practical sehomo, however, if they wore going to deal with the problem in. an efficient manner. Very largely the solution of the problem was to be found in New Zealand, and a policy of '< muddling through" would not do at all. New Zealand had not put its house in order so that it might help the Old Country to solve the problem of its surplus population. Trade within the Empire was also a topic of outstanding importance, and he thought that efforts should be made to secure co-operation in England so far as the marketing of Now Zealand produce was concerned. What they wanted to ensure, if possible, was a stabilisation of prices. Much could be done, in the way of agricultural research, and in this connection benefit would result if there was a co-ordinated effort so far as .the component parts of the' Empire were concerned. Dealing with the Conference generally, Mr. Forbes said ho was sure that the Prime Minister would worthily represent New Zealand.at the Conference, and would not commit tho Dominion to anything that would bo detrimental to its interests. IN THE INTERESTS OF EMPIRE. Tho Eight Hon. Sir Joseph. Ward (Invcrcargill) said that, although wo were a scattered Empire, wo were one,' not only in sentiment, but in tho dosiro that all parts of it should bo presorved. Tho Prime Minister should support what was in the interests of, and vital to, the Empire as a whole. Dealing with the question of Now Zealand being drawn into war, ho asked whoro wo would be if tho Old Country had to await New Zealand's decision before taking necessary . quick action? Sir Joseph said he was with the Prime Minister in everything' he was going Home for, and he was prepared to trust him and leave criticism until aftor, and then overlook any mistakes he might have made. He felt sure, however, that he woulfl make no mistakes. To have no Navy would be td say that other nations hail no ambition, and would not seek to take parts of the British Empire which appealed to them. Mr. H. G. R. Mas" (Eden): "Why don't they take tho -lthy Empire of Holland in the Eas- Indies?" "Next time I go Home," said Sir Joseph, "I will ask tho question and find out." (Laughter.) Mr. V. H. Potter (Roskill): "Why not take 'Holland' from here?" (Laughter.) Sir Joseph said he was not joking. Mr. H. E. Holland: "It was a fair question, and should bo answered fairly." "In my opinion," said Sir Joseph, "it was- a most difficult question to answer." If war occurred in tho Pacific, ho said, it would be cheap to. have a base at Siugaporo so that quick repairs could be effected. So long as tho various parts of tho Empire wore separated by gfoat sheets of water tho principal representatives^ of tho peoples of the Empire must meet in some centre to discuss Empire affairs. Sir Joseph said that, while ho had- advocated an Imperial Parliament, .ie had at no time advocatod that our local autonomy should be interfered . with, and at no timo had he urgod that legislation should bo introduced by a Parliament outside New Zealand to govern tho a^airs of the people in this country. If his proposal for a per capita contribution of 10s por head from all of tho oversea Dominions had been acted upon thoro would havo been sufficient ships at Jutland to havo ensured a victory. Mr. G. Sykes (Mastcrfcon) stressed

tho importance of the Conference, and tho need for maintaining Imperial unity. NEW ZEALAND'S SMALL PART. Mr. E. J. Howard (Christchurch South) expressed disappointment with the Prime Minister's speech, and commented on tho fact that he read it, Certainly there wore important matters for discussion at tho Conference, There was, for instance, the "export" of people from Britain to the Dominions. There were more important problems than the question of British films to discuss. As a result of his visit to South Africa last year he was satisfied that New Zealand played a very small part in Imperial affairs. He gathered that from the British representatives he met, who said they had New Zealand in their pocket. The Postmaster-General (tlie Hon. W. Noaworthy): "The Dominion plays a very important part." Mr. Howard: "She is like some of the people sitting behind the hon. Minister who has just interjected. They are all right while they are quiet; directly they kick over the traces they "ye put in the Ministry." (Laughter.) Ho believed with the Leader of the Opposition that when the King was at war they wore all at war. They could not get away from that. He would have liked to hear more from the Prime Minister, but wished him well in his mission. Mr. H. Atmore (Nelson) paid a tribute to Sir Joseph Ward, who had figured very largely in the affairs of the Empire in the past. The countries of Europe were suffering from the effects of the war, and if they were going to recover they would have to make a strong endeavour to remove all misunderstandings. Trade would always play a part in binding the Empire together. This had been exemplified particularly in the case of the Irish Free State, where there was growing up a really friendly spirit towards England. Migration within the Empire was a matr ter of vital importance, and he thought the Dominions were doing much to assist the Homeland. There was one problem with which they would bo faced in the very near future, and that was the question of birth control. -Dependent as she was upon her markets for her existence and prosperity, New Zealand must take,part in any war the Empire was concerned in, but it was right that the people should be consulted. In questions of defence we must be in the hands of the experts in the Old Country, If the experts considered that the, Singapore Base was necessary, he would not oppose expenditure upon it. THE MIND OF THE PEOPLE. Beplying to the discussion, the Prime Minister said that one foature of the debate was that it demonstrated quite clearly that the House desired a good deal more opportunity to discuss, the Dominion's point of view' in regard to foreign matters. It wasdue to our distance from the centre of the Empire that subjects were more or less stale before we could discuss them. The various phases of the matters 'which vitally affected New Zealand might in' futurefbe discussed separately, and it would be useful to encourage members to specialise in certain important subjects. Mr. Coates said he thought Parliament that day had correctly interpreted the mind of the public. On general questions the country had unanimously'Tnaintained an attitude that had long been adopted by it in the past. Tho debate had also demonstrated that the members were keenly alive to the importance of the Imperial Conference, and ha hoped in the future that there would be much more time devoted to discussions of the kind. The Prime Minister's motion was carried.