CULTURED JAPS

Evening Post, Volume CVIII, Issue 17, 21 January 1924, Page 20

CULTURED JAPS

CIVILISATION'S PRODUCT

ABLE VETERANS & BRILLIANT

YOUNG MEN

The first man I met in Japan was Count Yoshii, writes W. Farmer Whyte in an article published in the Sydney "Daily Telegraph" recently. Count Yoshii, he continues, a member of the House of Peers, ifl one of the most ardent workers in Japan on behalf of the League of Nations. He is a member of the executive of the Tokio branch of the League, the President of which is Prince Tokukawa, and the Vice-Presi-dent Viscount Shibusawa.

The second man I met was Marquis Komma, brilliant son of a famous father. Marquis Komura is head of the Intelligence Bureau connected with the Department of Foreign Affairs, and from the moment I landed in Tokio he was kindness itseli. I confess he was a revelation to vM. I had feared many difficulties in a strange country; but when I was shown into Marquis- Komura's room I found myself as much at home as if I had been in a Minister's office in Sydney or in Melbourne. I forgot I was in a foreign country. He spoke perfect English, and his manners were those of a cultured English gentleman. Perhaps it is not difficult to understand, for, like so many of the young leaders of Japanese thought, he had Tiad an English University education. READJUSTING OPINIONS. I came to Japan with somewhat hazy ideas of what I should find here. Now I know. I know that we shall have to readjust our views; and it is important that we should lose no time in doing it. We have to reckon not only with the able statesmen of the older school, but also with these brilliant young men of present-day Japan who are being moulded and fashioned after our own ways in England, America, and other countries. First we awakened the Japanese out of their long sleep; now we are educating them. The die is cast. There is no going back. It was this brilliant young man of the new school who paved the way for my interview with; Baron Ijuin (Minkter of Foreign Affairs), who belongs to the old school. Baron Ijuin, who has served his country with distinction both at home and abroad, has a square head and a square jaw—the sort of man who does not change his opinions- in a hurry once he. has made up his mind. But, withal, he has a pleasant and friendly face. He is, however, troubled more by the English language than most of the other prominent men I met, and an officer of the department was. present to act as interpreter. This was Mr. Tomi, who accompanied the delegation to the Washington Conference as secretary. To Mr. Tomi and Mr. Ashida, who was secretary to the Japanese delegates to the Peace Conference, where he met Mr. W. M. Hughes, I owe my thanks for numerous acts of courtesy during my stay in Tokio. Baron Ijuin began by expressing the gratitude of Japan for the practical sympathy shown by Australia in sending the relief ship Australmount to Yokohama, laden with .gifts of food, clothing, and medical stores. This wa* a token of genuine friendship, he said, which would never be forgotten by Japan. Then, speaking very deliberately, he went pu : "The reason why Japan is desirous of being always in intimacy and concord with Australia primarily rests on her earnest hope for the maintenance of peace in tlje Pacific aud the development of trade between the two countries. Her past history bears testimony to the fact that she has nothing more to. hope for, and I can declare that she will remain the same in the future."

The Minister's reference to the maintenance of peace in the Pacific gave me an opening to ascertain his views oil the question of the Singapore base. He discussed the matter quite freely and apparently without any mental reservation. Great Britain, he said, had vital interests -in the ■ Pacific, and it was to be expected. that she would take all measures deemed necessary, to protect them. What more natural than that she should give- her attention to Singapore, one of the most important strategic situations? There was nothing in the Washington Conference agreements to prevent her establishing a naval base at Singapore. "Britain is the best judge of her . own requirements," said Baron Ijuin. "Britain, Japan, and America are all specially interested in the maintenance of peace in the Pacific, and it is.my hope that they will all follow the spirit of the Washington Conference. Japan is most anxious that that spirit shall continue for ever. The world is hungry for peace. Every country has more to. hope for from the League of Nations than from the sword."

With a Foreign Minister in Japan giving expression to these views, it would seem that the militarists will find little powder to fire their shots, with. For there is undoubtedly a'miKtarist party in Japan. It is freely admitted by all to whom I spoke, whether private citizens or Ministers of State. It could hardly be otherwise with a nation that has been modelled so largely on German lines. "The great mass of the people," I was told, "are peaceful and peace-loving, but the militarists have much power, and it is hard to take it from them."

And that, I should say, sums up the position. The people in the mass are powerless when once the militarist party get the whip in hand. Not that there is a militarist party, so-called, in the Parliament. There are three political parties in Japan—the Sen-yo-kai ("political friends"); the Ken-sei-kai (constftutional government); and the Kakushin; (Reform) party. The ; chief reform advocated by the Kakushin party is the granting of the franchise to all men over 21 years of age, wiping out the property qualification. This reform is supported by the Ken-sei-kai, but the Sen-yu-kai party opposes it on the ground that the people are not yet prepared for it. The that it should be proposed, however, in this country, which but a little while ago had no Parliament at all, is an illustration of how rapidly events are moving there. And the indications are that the Government, which is led by Admiral Count Yamamoto, will yield to the demand—at all events in a modified form. Even the women are beginning to agitate for the vote in Japan; and perhaps, looking to the future, it might be a good thing if they were to get it—perhaps the militarists, who have their supporters not in any particular party, but can find some in all parties, would then receive a check.

Constitutional government, as we know it, does not exist in Japan; but it soon will. Hitherto the Emperor has chosen his Ministers, and two of them at least are responsible only to the Emperor—the Minister for War and the Minister for the Navy. When a Government is defeated the Emperor does not send for the Leader of the Opposition and commission him to form a Ministry —he sends for the Genro, the "Elder Statesmen," as they are called, and constiUs with them. The nejv Pfemigr. is

the man who is selected by the "Elder Statesmen." Admiral Yamamoto happened to be that man this time; he was brought back out of the seclusion of private life to apply himself once more to affairs of State. "THE ELDER STATESMEN." j Who are the Genro? They are men i i. 6 rendereti conspicuous service to the State in past years, and who, |>y reason of that service and their wisdom and experience", are always consulted by the Emperor when matters of great moment have to be decided. I learned, further, that Count Yamamoto himself would probably be accepted as one of the Genro when he retires from the Premiership. Japan has had a number of these "Elder Statesmen"—men who have been "close to the Emperor," as they say jn Tokio—but only two of them survive— Prmce Saionji and Prince Matsukata. When they die, what then? "Well, when they die," said one of the brilliant young leaders of modern Japan, "I think the old system will die with them. The people are getting more enlightened. We shall soon have real constitutional government, just as you have in your country. The people will rule. Ministers will be responsible to Parliament; Parliament will govern. The will of the people will prevail. I believe the Emperor is ready to grant it now."

And there you see what is happening in Japan. The "Elder Statesmen," who have hitherto dictated the Empire's policies, and particularly her foreign policy,-' are becoming extinct. Two years ago died Prince Yamagata, perhaps the most powerful of them all. And this Prince was the leader of the militarists of Japan. They say that with his death a profound change has come over the country—a change that is all to the good.