Evening Post. MONDAY, JULY 9, 1923. AN UNDEFINED STATUS

Evening Post, Volume CVI, Issue 7, 9 July 1923, Page 6

Evenin g Post. MONDAY, JULY 9, 1923. AN UNDEFINED STATUS

Last-minute decisions have often proved sound for the British Empire; but there is in that an element of good fortune, not good management. The Imperial Conference of 1923 will have to decide whether it will continue to trust to the chance of something turning up to define the new status of the nations of the British Commonwealth, or whether it will prepare the way for such a definition by cold and clear consideration. The Prime Minister of New Zealand showed the necessity for such preparation when he spoke, on Thursday night of the danger threatening from separatist tendencies or the possible advent of a Government antagonistic or careless of Empire weal. Mr. Wilford was no less emphatic in stressing the need for unity of policy. But it was left to the Hon. Downie Stewart to state expressly and clearly where the danger of divergence lay. In Canada and South Africa, he said, there were tendencies that must result in the disintegration of the Empire if they went unchecked. The tendencies were revealed in differences of opinion concerning (1) the constitutional position in the event of war ; (2) the right of the Dominions to approach the Sovereign independently and tender advice. We in New Zealand have' accepted without question what Mr. Stewart affirms to be the constitutional position that when war is declared by Great Britain every part of the. British Empire is at war. Yet it is only a few months ago that Mr. Mackenzie King, Prime Minister of Canada, declared that, except in the event of actual invasion, only Parliament would involve Canada in war. We wrote, at the time, of the impossibility of giving effect to such a declaration by any steps short of independence internationally recognised (such as has been advocated for Canada by Sir Clifford Sifton). We quote the declaration now only as an illustration of the separatist tendencies which are abroad.

Equally fatal to the Empire association is the second cause of divergence to which Mr. Stewart referred: the claim that the Dominions have power to advise the Sovereign direct. Sir Robert Borden claimed,this power formally in 1919, and General Smuts has supported the claim.' We do not need to labour the. perils which await the application of this doctrine to the external affairs of the different Dominions/ We might have Great Britain advising the King to declare a state of war with Turkey and Canada and South Africa advising against such a declaration. Canada has attempted to test the doctrine in the v conclusion of the Halibut Treaty with the United States of America, claiming that the Treaty is one which concerns Canada alone. The United States Senate, however, has ratified the Treaty, with the proviso that it shall apply to all British nationals—thus making it an instrument of Empire-wide application. Such a test applied.to a commercial treaty may not lead to irreparable disaster, but the next test may be upon a declaration of peace or war. Clearly it is advisable that the principles should be defined before another test is made.

In the June issue of " The Round Table " the whole problem of Empire association is stated and discussed with the greatest frankness. The arguments for association and independence are analysed, and it is clearly shown that the nations of the British Commonwealth, if they take a wide view of their responsibilities, must maintain their unity.

\} hat the world needs now (states the writer) is not more self-determination, more Balkaiusation, but some measure of unity. 'Hie greatest cause of war to-day is that self-centred . nationalism Uiat-ietuses all association or comradeship or partnership with other nations.

If the British nations, which have hitherto risen above . self-centred nationalism, cannot now maintain their union, what hope is there for the League of Nations, which seeks to united nationg more widely divided? /

From every point of view, whether from that of freedom and self-defence or of exerting influence for peace and sanity in the conduct of the world's affaire qr of helping forward the League of JNations m its desire for world unity and world peace, it seems to " The' Bound Table" that the unity of the Commonwealth ought to be preserved. ' The separatist influence, it is held, lies in the pre-occupation of the 'various units with their own affairs. Great Britain is more concerned with European policy than are the Dominions, Canada with North American problems, Australia and New Zealand with the Pacific, and South Africa with Africa. Yet what hope has any part of the Empire of settling its affairs if it has not the backing of the sister States? "The Bound Table" does not encourage the idea that the Dominions separately could make their voices heard effectively anywhere but in v debating society. At Washington and Paris the views oi: the Dominions were considered only because they were stated as the views of tho British Commouv^ilth, wrt» th*-»p We ,. of ki w Km, P.u'e b.ehmd them. As independent

units, Australia, - Few' Zealand, South Africa, and Canada would be small nations—with a place on the doorstep of the Council Chamber of the Great Powers. To avoid such a calamity—which would be a calamity for the world as well as the Empire — the British Commonwealth must find a substitute for the unifying influence of the German menace.

When it comes to realise that its own economic problems are only soluble m terms .of the whole; that the real drfft if 1 S *Whrth?u We are Soing to wl fh « another world wart or whether the progressive nations combine to stabihso the world, as they combined ™ Wffio^ Ge. rrnany' feo will not be much difficulty ,n recreating the same sort of consultative machinery as existed from 1917-20. y The difficulty concerning consultation arises mainly, in "The Round iable's " view, from the fact that the Dominions are not interested in foreign politics. They can be interested only by taking a wider view of their own responsibilities— their own destiny. It is a duty they owe to humanity to prove that nations can be concerned with affairs which promise them no immediate profit. With such a proof the way may be open for world-wide extension of the same grand principle ™ Ugh the Lea Sue of Nations. V\ hile maintaining that the spirit of unity is all-important, the Round Table" offers some suggestions for simplifying the process of consultation. It is proposed that a quasi-diplomatic system should be adopted within the Empire, so that foreign policy may be closely studied and not take second place to commercial affairs, or have no place at all. This proposal was summarised in a cable message recently, and we then stated some obvious difficulties. Those difficulties, however, need not be regarded as insuperable. If the units of the Empire have the will to reach a solution, the way of true unity should not be hard to find.