THE REAL TEST

Evening Post, Volume XCVIII, Issue 38, 14 August 1919, Page 7

THE REAL TEST

POLITICAL SITUATION

OUR TRUE POSITION

AND THE REAL QUESTION.

(By J. T. M. Hornsby, M.P.)

The editorials in The Post of recent date dealing with the political situation in New Zealand surely. call for pronouncements,' not only from men in the House, but from all truly representative men in the community, no matter under what political label they have hitherto been known. I accept the implied challenge, the more readily, perhaps, because for more than two years past I have taken up an entirely independent attitude towards all the parties. THE END OF THE TRUCE AND AFTER, ■ The "truce" has been called-off by one of the great political parties—the rank and file of the Liberals have declared that they will go to the country as a separate and distinct political organisation. If that party persists, then there will be many other divisions, and we shall have the Liboral Party, the Reform Party, the Progressive Party, the Labour Party, the Prohibitionists, the P.P.A., and the Irreconcilables. If a General Election is fought with all these forces in the field, how will New Zealand fare? This, to my mind, is the test question. I am well aware—and in what follows I do not desire it to be understood that I reflect in the least degree upon any ai our political aspirants—that one of the factors making for the sum total of division is that there is always the thought in the back of men's minds, together with the hope, that Ministerial rank will be secured by a certain number of the men of that party which proves victorious at ' the polls. Let me add that no one in political life Bhould be less esteemed because he believes himself worthy of distinction. Many of my fellow members who do not at present sit upon- the Treasury Benches have earned the right to preferment. Cheap sneers at "the politicians" are common; every noodle considers it .his' right to employ them. Even if a particle of this cheap stuff were deemed justifiable, the party system must be held responsible. Every party claims from its members unquestioning obedience. The extreme Labour section would bind its representatives hand and foot.. An "official" Labour man has to sign a pledge that he will do as he. is told by the Labour Executive, which exists outside the House. Such a member is not a representative of the people —he is a delegate of the extreme Labour section—a despicable position for any man to occupy. NEW ZEALAND MORE THAN . PARTY. ' I believe that among the men who comprise the present House a very large majority are willing and anxious to place New. Zealand and its future first and hold them superior to any and every party tie.- These men will, if put to the test, set their faces deliberately against any proposal for a coalition of parties as they exist, but that does not mean that no modus vivendi can be found. Not at all. It really means that these men are convinced—and all experience cannot but confirm their conviction—that a coalition of parties is foredoomed to failure. How, then, are we to arrive at a working agreement? : .By combining all the thoughtful, earnest, experienced men of all parties into a national political organisation, pledged to the people for the carrying into immediate practical effect of a sane, solid, progressive development policy. . This national party must be no respecter of persons or privileges. The safety of the Dominion must stand first; the welfare of its people must dominate all other considerations. Old ideas, preconceived notions, must go. We all realise that the making of further fine promises will not suffice. That day is past; the time for action is here. We must "act, act, in the living present." The whole scheme of reconstruction' and of development must be submitted to the people. At the polls they will pronounce judgment. But how can the people judge, how come to a proper decision if we are to have the usual distractions of parties, the bitterness of party warfare? Instead- of being enabled to reach out for a better state of things, the arm v of the people will be shortened; their desires and aspirations will count second only to party political aggrandisement. If our public men will persist in bringing on a renewed trial, of party strength, and the people acquiesce, then pressing reforms, the solution .of problems, the redressal of wrongs will have to" wait. And, worse still, the party of "direct action," of revolution, will find its hands strengthened—perhaps may come into power. In face of these facts, is this a time when men should think of self? Surely it is not. WHAT OF THE FUTURE? The most that can be is being made of the fact that for the past five years wo have had to push on one side many of the activities in which the State might otherwise have engaged. This country, in those five years, entered upon and carried through a task that was herculean; our people cheerfully assented to the piling up of a debt, which in a small community like ours is little short of colossal. Mistakes were made? Oppor- I tunities were missed? Yea, verily! But why? »Let us look the truth in the face. The bugbear of party was there all the time. Even in the by-elections this distracting influence played its demoralising part. Let us admit all the facts ; let us cry "mea culpa" if you will; but let.v.s face the truth as it is at this moment, and let us ask ourselves the question: "What of the future?" If our load of • debt is to be successfully borne, we must seek to provide the wherewithal. Included in this provision must be the means for future development. It is not too much to say that the means are available. Just so long as we are prepared to make possible the production of an ever-increasing volume of exportable commodities, so long shall we be able to command credit; so long shall we continue to be prosperous. How if the control of our affairs be seized by the gentlemen whose aim and object is to take possession (forcibly if need be) of all the means of production, distribution,-, and exchange? ' Let us invite them to show us how they propose to find a way out. "That's easy," I hear one of them say: "Repudiation" ; for do not let us forr j get that one of the remits from Auckland Labour organisations to the Labour Conference was repudiation of all war loans! A straw shows how the stream flows. "LESS WORK. AND MORE PAY." Let is be pointed out just here that the number of Jack Cades is on tho increase in our country. There are thoughtless people who believe that by waving a red flag at the end of a pole and rolling meaningless sentences from out their mouths,, money will fall in a . continuous shower from out the skies. "Les6 work and more pay!" they cry. Why not: "No work at all and lots more pay?" The one position is as tenable as the; other. In Britain the loaders of Labour are solemnly warning the men in the ranks against the doctrine which ha* hean preached so euc-

cessfully here in New Zealand that we are faced with the most terrific crisis in-our history. The Hon. J. T. Paul - (so I gather from your column) waxed quite pathetic about some big men of the capitalistic class who were anxious for a strike; and Mr. Paul appeared to' marvel at the very idea! Has he really not known of the petty and meaningless '..-■ disruptions of trade that have.gone on so long in New Zealand? Has he never heard of the stop-work meetings and the % going-slow over the most paltry, even childest, thingß? Surely it is time, high time, for putting a stop to this disloca-" tion _ and consequent diminution of pro-"' " duction? The, veriest tyro, in politicoeconomics must suTely be aware that' decreased production means increased.; values; that always the burdens laid. upon a people because of reduced supplies from food sources or other means , of production fall upon the shoulders of the working class. Ours, then, be the task to carry the fiery, cross of truth leading to understanding among the'■■'• people of New Zealand; ours the duty to expose the falsity and the danger of" the teachings and aspiration of the Irr:'. " reconcilables; outs to lay bare the facts which concern all methods of unfairness," selfishness, and deprivation. It is utters. • ly useless to try and speak soft nothings', to grown men. The-.bulk of the peoplewill laugh, as they have a right, to "d 0,,; ; in the faces of those who may have the ' impudence still to talk platitudinous'rubbish about everything but the. thing 3... that matter. ■ ■ - ,''..' * THE FULLEST LIFE." i- /■;/- If men claim, and they ought to claim," the right to the fullest enjoyment of-life; - the'right to a share of'the world's goods, : and a home in which to possess these '. and their accompanying comforts, let them be told in plain, hard words tliat these are to be theirs for the earning;; but that they are no more the' right of the man who will not realise that opportunity brings with, it responsibility, .than are the illgotten gains of the bowelless creatures who have not hesitated to grow fat upon the strength of their nation's" . bloodletting, . ' • . IT IS THE TESTING TIME.- ', In the coming; General Election we shall face the testing time for our conntry's future welfare. All leaders "of thought, all lovers of country, all who desire to preserve the principles and '.privileges of constitutional government as opposed to confusion, anarchy, and ruin, must be prepared to accept their :. responsibilities, must brush away all side issues, adopt plain issues, and be prepared with a clear-cut policy.- The people do want, and will have, justice with equity. They\ are waiting, and - they realise as never before that ,i „_. The time demands • V ■ Strong minds, great hearts, true faith, and willing hands; >.■■.• Men whom the lust of office does not kill; Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy; _ ' . ... .--/ Men who possess opinions, and a will, Men who have honour, men who will not lie; Men who can stand before a demagogue And damn bii< treacherous flatteries without winking; . ':'• Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above,,' the fog ■ _'_,' : In publio duty and in private thinking!.