MR GLADSTONE’S MIDLOTHIAN MANIFESTO.

Dunstan Times, Issue 1266, 4 June 1886, Page 3

MR GLADSTONE’S MIDLOTHIAN MANIFESTO.

The following are the principal parts of Mr Gladstone’s manifesto to ths Midlothian electors : 1 have never known of an occasion of a parliamentary event so rare throughout the world as the introduction of tliis Bill under the auspices of the Biilish Government. From public meetings and from the highest authorities in tho colo-

nies and America, from capitals, such as

Washington, Boston, and Quebec, and from

remote districts Iving beyond the reach of all ordinary political excitement, I receive conclusive assurances that kin ired peoples regat d with warm anl fraternal sympathy our present effort to settle on an adequate scale, and once for all, the long vexed and

troubled relations between Great Britain an 1 Ireland, which exhibit to us tho one and only conspicuous failure of ihe political genius of our race—to confront and master the difficulty, and to obtain in a reasonable degree the main ends of civilised life.” He then gives a long history of the attempts to conciliate or coerce Ireland, and adds:

“ Watching from day to day the movement of the currents of opinion during the pre sent conflict, more and more 1 find it neces-

aary to observe the point at which tho dividing lines are drawn. On the side adverse to Government are found, as I sorrowfully admit, in profuse abundance, station, title, wealth, social influence, and the

professions, or a large majority of them ; in a word, the spirit and power of class. These are the main body of the opposing host. Nor is thvs all. As knights of old

had servants, so in Ur? great array oE this class each enrolled sol Her has a roll nt He-

pendents. The adverse heat, I lien, consists of this class, and dependents oF this class, but this formidable army is in the hulk of its constituent pirt the same, though now enriched at our cost with a valuable contiu-

minster, bat what we are debating ia the large, and far larger question which includes and absorbs them all : the question whether you will or will not have regard to the prayer of Ireland for the management by herself of affairs specially and exclusively lier own. This and no other is the matter which the House of Commons has at once to decide. If on this matter it speaks with a clear and intelligible voice, I feel the strongest assurance that other questions, difficult as some of them are, will nevertheless, with the aid of the fu'l discussion and wise conciliatory spirit, be found capable of a rational and tolerable settlement.”

gent of recruits that hj is fought in every one of the great political battles of the last sixty years, and has been defeated We have this great aim before ns now. It is to restore your Parliament to efficiency, by dividing and by removing Ihe obstacles to its wo k ; to treat the Irish question with duo regard to its specialities, but .with the same thoroughness of method by which we have solved colonial problems that titty years back were hardly, it at all less formidable ; to give heed to the voice of the people, speaking in tones of moderation by the month of the vast majority of those whom we ourselves have made its constitutional repre- | sentatives ; and thus to strengthen the con- i solidated Empire on a basis of irutnal bene- I lit an t hoarty loyalty. Such is the end. As for the means, we propose the establishment in Dublin of a legislative body, empowered to mr.ko laws for Irish (as contradistinguished from Imperial) affairs’. 1c is with this that we are new busied ; and as to the details and particulars, their time will come.” Ho thus concludes : “We are not now debating the amount of the Irish contributions to the Empire, or the composition l of a legislative body, or the maintenance of the representative connection with West-